Constitutional Policy & Territorial Politics in the UK Vol 1

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This is the first part of a major two-volume work which will provide an authoritative UK-wide account from the initial settlement under New Labour in 1997 to Brexit and its aftermath. This first volume offers a refreshing and rigorous analysis of the period 1997-2007, setting a new agenda for thinking on devolution.

Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This is the first of a two-volume work which provides an authoritative account of devolution in the UK since the initial settlement under New Labour in 1997. This first volume meets the need for a comprehensive, UK-wide analysis of the formative years of devolution from the years 1997 to 2007, offering a rigorous and theoretically innovative re-examination of the period that traces territorial politics from initial settlements in Scotland and Wales and the Good Friday agreement in Northern Ireland to early maturity. The book reviews the trajectory and influencing factors of devolution and its subsequent impacts, using a novel framework to set a significant new agenda for thinking and research on devolution.


1998 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-114
Author(s):  
Keith Crawford

The purpose of this paper is examine the development of citizenship education as a curriculum priority within the UK. Employing Habermas' theory of legitimation crisis, the paper places the contemporary enthusiasm for citizenship education within a socioeconomic, cultural and political context. The paper argues that current preoccupations with citizenship education contained in Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (Dfee, 1999), stem from the impact of Neo-Liberal concerns with individualism, economic and technological globalisation and the potential fragmentation of contemporary society. The paper explores the principles of education for citizenship and the teaching of democracy in schools and suggests that, as part of New Labour's developing conception of British society, citizenship education asks some fundamental questions of that society.


Author(s):  
Helen Thompson

This chapter considers the Thatcher governments’ economic policy in comparative perspective both in relation to their UK predecessors and successors and other large-economy states. It argues that the Thatcher governments presided over significant change to the structure of the UK economy, some of it through deliberate policy intent and some as the unintended consequences of their policy actions. It also shows that, seen as a whole, the Thatcher governments left little legacy at the level of policy framework. They were unable to reduce the fiscal size of the state and New Labour pushed policy in a different direction. On the monetary side, the Thatcher governments grappled with the same problems of inflation and sterling and as policy became ever less coherent, set up the ERM disaster, the response to which by its successors has set the parameters of UK policy since.


2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 241-272
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter addresses the reform of government in England over the entire period between 1997 and 2007. First, the chapter considers the nature of the territorial strain, problem and resources for change present in England. Second, the chapter considers peripheral elite leadership in England — whether through intermediate English elite or English regional elite leadership — and the codes, strategies and goals pursued. It explores further the thesis that movements for territorial change also in England adopted indirect instrumental cases for territorial reform rather than direct identity-based ones, emphasising functional arguments and the development of institutional mechanisms for gradual decentralisation, rather than major root and branch reform. Third, the chapter analyses the approach of UK central government, and in particular that of the British Labour leadership both in opposition before 1997 and in government afterwards. Here, we should note that Bulpitt suggested that the English governing code had tended to parallel the indirect local elite assimilation approach used territorially in the rest of the UK. Nevertheless, under modernisation projects since the 1960s, including those of the Thatcher–Major governments, the overall government strategy was a promotional one, often requiring direct central intervention in the short term to realise central governing projects. Finally, the chapter assesses the policy process by which English reform was developed, the extent to which it may be seen as effective and legitimate, and judged as successful or not in sustaining a new centre.


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL ORTON ◽  
PETER RATCLIFFE

In 2003 the UK government set an objective that in ten years' time Britain's minority ethnic groups should not face disproportionate barriers in the labour market. A key ‘barrier’ is discrimination by employers. This article examines one potential way forward: the use of contract compliance. First, the article presents findings from the authors' study of an innovative use of contract compliance by a group of local authorities in the West Midlands. If contract compliance can be made to work and New Labour is committed to addressing racial inequality in employment, this suggests that contract compliance is an approach that the government should be seeking to develop. The second part of the article therefore considers New Labour's stance on contract compliance, which can be seen to be highly ambiguous. It is argued that if contract compliance is located within the broader context of New Labour policy development, what is apparent is that the professed aspiration for social change is compromised by a dominant commitment to the maintenance of neo-liberal economic policies. The conclusion is that it is likely that only limited progress will be made in achieving racial equality in employment.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOM CLARK ◽  
CARL EMMERSON

This paper analyses the thrust of the UK Government's pension reforms in the context of the system they inherited. The reforms represent continuity with what went before in seeking to continue the privatisation of pension provision, but herald a new emphasis on pensioner poverty reduction. There is a clear broad strategy even though not all of the reforms fit obviously within it – a generous means-tested system, extensive private provision and a diminished contributory pension. In the long term, this strategy has advantages in terms of containing public sector liabilities, but involves further downgrading the contributory principle. It will also affect the incentive to save for many individuals. Individuals currently on means-tested benefits will be able to keep more of their savings as a result of the reform. But those currently outside the means-tested benefit regime who expect to be brought into it as a result of the reforms will face a diminished incentive to save.


Author(s):  
Sally Power ◽  
Gareth Rees ◽  
Chris Taylor

Since coming to power in 1997, New Labour has adopted area-based initiatives (ABIs) as a key strategy to combat economic, social and (especially) educational disadvantage. This paper briefly outlines the history of ABIs within the UK and explores the discontinuities and continuities between recent initiatives and their earlier counterparts. It argues that while New Labour's ABIs incorporate distinctive, new characteristics, they are largely based on the same assumptions which underpinned previous ABIs. The limits of these models, and the somewhat patchy track record of ABIs, raise serious questions about their efficacy and the restricted policy repertoire of the UK State.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
CALUM PATON

Abstract:As England (unlike the rest of the UK) retreads the market route in health policy, it is worth asking two questions. Firstly, is the government right that the ‘new market’ (as it refuses to call it, except in private seminars) is fundamentally different from the 1990s’ internal market which New Labour allegedly abolished in 1997? Secondly, given that the new market is clearly not characterized by the invisible hand, should we characterize it as steered ‘economically’ by a visible (facilitating) hand, on the one hand, or managed ‘politically’ by a fist which would like to remain invisible in order to maintain its power? This article goes on to examine choice in the new NHS with reference to Hirschman (1970), arguing that genuflections to the latter by pro-choice advocates such as Le Grand (2003) are just that – genuflections. Hirschman is used as a taxi by which to reach a desired destination rather than a stimulus to critical reflection, Hirschman-style, upon how ‘exit’, ‘voice’, and particular combinations of ‘exit’ and ‘voice’ may produce perverse outcomes.


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