scholarly journals Foreign Policies of China and Japan towards Ayutthayya (Thailand) in 16th - 17th Centuries

Author(s):  
Le Thi Anh Dao ◽  

China, Japan and Ayutthaya (Thailand) are three countries located in Asia - a cultural, civilized and economic center of the world in history and at present. In the 16th - 17th centuries, building diplomatic relations and implementing foreign policies with Southeast Asian countries were always the concern of major countries in the region, especially China and Japan. In the foreign policy of China and Japan, Ayutthaya was one of the countries that had an important position and brought many economic and political benefits. On the contrary, establishing a good relationship with a powerful country like China and a country with a developed maritime trade like Japan would benefit Ayutthaya in many ways in international relations, expanding its sphere of influence as well as economic and political development in the 16th and 17th centuries. The article delves into the policies of China and Japan towards Ayutthaya (16th - 17th centuries) in order to clarify the similarities and differences in the regional policies of two major countries as well as the role and position of Ayutthaya in Southeast Asia during the pre-modern centuries.

2020 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Dr. Haseeb ur Rehman Warrich ◽  
Muhammad Rehman ◽  
Dr. Rooh ul Amin Khan

This article focuses on the disputed relationship between two neighboring nuclear powers, Pakistan and India. The Kashmir dispute has been seen as a bone of content since 1947. Due to the Kashmir dispute, the relations among the South Asian countries are intense as well. After the industrialization and globalization, every country demanded peace, prosperity, sustainability and development in the region. Due to intense diplomatic relations between countries can ruin the development and the peace process. In South Asia, two atomic powers have failed to dissolve their Conflicts since independence and even though they are eager to sacrifice their own interest/benefit to harm each other. In many UN Peace missions, both countries have been delivering their best for the peace, harmony and prosperity in the world, but they are not ready to promote peace in their specific territory. This article is based on Pulwama incident that has opened new horizons for political, strategic and media wars. This article also explores the role of media to manipulate the facts and disperse asymmetric information for their personal or political interest without analyzing the consequences of asymmetry agenda. Besides, all clashes and wars some important questions have been raised in this article: Is Kashmir dispute open new contentions for the both countries? What were the consequences of pre and post Pulwama Attack? Can diplomatic relations and foreign policies of both countries ever be friendly? Can both countries secure their mutual interests? Could it be possible that decision makers work for the prosperity of their own people instead of blaming each other at the international forums? How long will both countries live with their conflicts without agreeing on any proper solution?


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Devi Yusvitasari

A country needs to make contact with each other based on the national interests of each country related to each other, including among others economic, social, cultural, legal, political, and so on. With constant and continuous association between the nations of the world, it is one of the conditions for the existence of the international community. One form of cooperation between countries in the world is in the form of international relations by placing diplomatic representation in various countries. These representatives have diplomatic immunity and diplomatic immunity privileges that are in accordance with the jurisdiction of the recipient country and civil and criminal immunity for witnesses. The writing of the article entitled "The Application of the Principle of Non-Grata Persona to the Ambassador Judging from the Perspective of International Law" describes how the law on the abuse of diplomatic immunity, how a country's actions against abuse of diplomatic immunity and how to analyze a case of abuse of diplomatic immunity. To answer the problem used normative juridical methods through the use of secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results related to this research topic. Based on the results of the study explained that cases of violations of diplomatic relations related to the personal immunity of diplomatic officials such as cases such as cases of persecution by the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Indonesian Workers in Germany are of serious concern. The existence of diplomatic immunity is considered as protection so that perpetrators are not punished. Actions against the abuse of recipient countries of diplomatic immunity may expel or non-grata persona to diplomatic officials, which is stipulated in the Vienna Convention in 1961, because of the right of immunity attached to each diplomatic representative.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-32
Author(s):  
M. Muchdie ◽  
M. Handry Imansyah ◽  
Socia Prihawantoro

This paper presents spatial linkages on calculations of spill-over and feed-back effects of World input-output tables, which is aggregated specifically into six-Asian countries includes China, Indonesia, India, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, plus Australia, United States, and the Rest of the World. The results showed that, firstly output multipliers in six Asian countries tend to increase during 2000–2014, indicating a consistent economic growth. Secondly, except China, output multipliers occurred in other countries tend to increase. Thirdly, in 2000, the United States and Japan were two countries receiving highest output spill-over. However, in year 2014, most of output spill-over moved to China. India and Indonesia received only small part of spill-over from other countries. Fourthly, the highest feed-back effect occurred in China and Japan. The smallest feed-back effect occurred in India and Indonesia. China had smallest spill-over effect but received the highest feed-back effect. ------------------------------------------- Artikel ini menyajikan hasil analisis keterkaitan spasial di enam negara Asia, berdasarkan perhitungan efek limpahan dan efek balik pada tabel input-output dunia, yang diagregasikan untuk enam negara Asia, yang meliputi Cina, Indonesia, India, Jepang, Korea, dan Taiwan ditambah Australia, Amerika Serikat, dan the Rest of the World. Hasil analisis memperlihatkan bahwa, pertama, pengganda output di enam negara Asia cenderung meningkat dalam waktu 2000–2014. Ini merupakan indikasi pertumbuhan ekonomi yang konsisten. Kedua, kecuali di Cina, efek limpahan juga cenderung meningkat. Ketiga, tahun 2000, negara yang paling besar menikmati limpahan adalah Amerika Serikat dan Jepang, tetapi tahun 2014, limpahan terbesar beralih ke Cina. Keempat, efek balik yang terbesar terjadi di Cina dan Jepang. Efek balik terkecil terjadi di India dan Indonesia. Cina mempunyai efek limpahan terkecil tetapi menerima efek balik terbesar. 


Author(s):  
Isra Shengul Chebi ◽  
Shukhrat Anvarovich Aytiev

This study interprets the modern understanding of ethnic and national identity. It was noted that there is an important connection between ethnic and national identity, created on the basis of nation-building processes. Since the 1990s, nationalism that has been at the top of the international agenda, new nations and state building processes, problems of ethnic identity, which have become an important item on the agenda in relations between states and international organizations, a new quest for democracy that develops through the recognition of differences, growing cultural conflicts in many regions from Asia to the American continent, and social movements based on identity have raised identity politics to an important position in international relations. In this context, international relations theorists, who have increased their ties to political theory in a way that has accelerated especially in the 1990s, are rebuilding the discipline's relationship with identity politics.


Author(s):  
Meera Sabaratnam

This chapter looks at postcolonial and decolonial approaches to studying world politics, arguing that these are multilayered and diverse. These do not constitute a single ‘theory’ of the international but rather a set of orientations to show how to think about it. The chapter starts by separating a number of different elements involved in theorizing the world, and how postcolonial and decolonial approaches look at them. These include questions of epistemology, ontology, and norms or ethics. It then examines the historical context in which postcolonial and decolonial approaches arose, showing that there was a dynamic relationship between political struggles for decolonization and the development of different intellectual arguments. It considers where postcolonial and decolonial approaches have emerged and where they depart from each other in terms of analysis and focus. Having traced these traditions through the twentieth century, the chapter describes the key concepts used in postcolonial and decolonial thought across different disciplines, before looking at their impact on the field of international relations (IR). The chapter also explores the similarities and differences between different approaches and other theories in the field of IR. Finally, it contemplates the on-going popularity of postcolonial and decolonial approaches in the present day.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Devi Yusvitasari

A country needs to make contact with each other based on the national interests of each country related to each other, including among others economic, social, cultural, legal, political, and so on. With constant and continuous association between the nations of the world, it is one of the conditions for the existence of the international community. One form of cooperation between countries in the world is in the form of international relations by placing diplomatic representation in various countries. These representatives have diplomatic immunity and diplomatic immunity privileges that are in accordance with the jurisdiction of the recipient country and civil and criminal immunity for witnesses. The writing of the article entitled "The Application of the Principle of Non-Grata Persona to the Ambassador Judging from the Perspective of International Law" describes how the law on the abuse of diplomatic immunity, how a country's actions against abuse of diplomatic immunity and how to analyze a case of abuse of diplomatic immunity. To answer the problem used normative juridical methods through the use of secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results related to this research topic. Based on the results of the study explained that cases of violations of diplomatic relations related to the personal immunity of diplomatic officials such as cases such as cases of persecution by the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Indonesian Workers in Germany are of serious concern. The existence of diplomatic immunity is considered as protection so that perpetrators are not punished. Actions against the abuse of recipient countries of diplomatic immunity may expel or non- grata persona to diplomatic officials, which is stipulated in the Vienna Convention in 1961, because of the right of immunity attached to each diplomatic representative.


2022 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ferdy Pratama ◽  
Palwa Ibnu Sosa ◽  
Tegar Yulianto

The establishment of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) began because of the conflict between China and Japan. The establishment of RCEP is to create the largest trade agreement in the world because this cooperation unites regional countries with large economies. China as a country that has the largest economic level among RCEP member countries makes China control most of the market in the region. This RCEP helps China in dealing with the trade war between China and the United States, although it has not yet had a big impact. This paper uses a qualitative method and focuses on China's motives in determining the RCEP. The results of this study confirm that China's motive in determining the RCEP is to counter-balance with the TPP and China's good image to Southeast Asian countries. In addition, RCEP has a significant impact on the Chinese economy. 


Author(s):  
T. Nosenko

The article deals with preconditions and implications of a major event in the history of international relations of our country, namely – the restoration of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Israel. This development, which took place in 1989, on the eve of the demise of the Soviet Union, must be viewed as a result of the general review of the whole system of interstate relationships that had dominated Moscow’s foreign policy for decades. It was part of a major change destined to restructure Russia’s role in the world community.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Weisbrode

Diplomacy’s role in foreign policy is hampered by multiple understandings of what diplomacy is and does. A broad definition of diplomacy holds that it encompasses more than the promotion of peaceful international relations. Instead, it applies to the sum of those relations—peaceful, hostile, and everything in between. Thus, foreign relations—so long as they involve the interests, direction, and actions of a sovereign power—may be regarded as being synonymous with diplomatic relations, whereby foreign policy relates to the theory and practice of setting diplomatic priorities; planning for contingencies; advancing strategic, operational, and tactical diplomatic aims; and adjusting those aims to domestic and foreign constraints. This conception of diplomacy is functional: it emphasizes the roles of diplomats and recognizes that many other people perform these roles besides official envoys; and it illustrates that diplomatic settings—and the means, methods, and tools of diplomacy—undergo continuous change. The basic mediating purpose of diplomacy, however, has endured, as has much of its institutional apparatus—embassies, ambassadors, treaties, and so on. This is likely to remain the case so long as there are multiple polities in the world, all having to relate to one another.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov H Levin ◽  
Robert F Trager

AbstractHow do the limitations of the American perspective in international relations (IR) affect the accuracy of theorizing? We show that assumptions about the relationship between domestic and international politics that underlie significant segments of American IR scholarship are unwarranted. Publics around the world do not respond to United Nations’ and other intergovernmental organizations’ criticism of their governments in the same way that Americans do. Publics are not universally poorly informed of their country's foreign policies, and they are not equally skeptical of the value of using force for resolving disputes with other states. We demonstrate the limitations of US-based scholarship using new and unique survey data from the United States and other countries. We then address how these US-centric assumptions skew certain IR literatures and limit important research agendas pursued by American scholars.


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