scholarly journals A hagyaték átadása – az öröklési bizonyítvány a román Polgári törvénykönyv és az Európai Parlament és Tanács 650/2012/EU-rendelete tükrében

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-154
Author(s):  
Gabriella Eleonóra Bonyhai

Regulation (EU) No 650/2012 of the European Parliament and of the Council in matters of succession is based on the principles of uniformity and predictability. The succession procedure should be governed by a single statutory provision in each Member State, uniformly with regard to all types of property, in terms of quality of succession, provisions on the opening and place of the succession, ineligibility for inheritance, survivor’s rights. The harmonization that has begun runs counter to the different national laws and regulations of the Member States, which will only be possible to approximate over time, but uniform rules would significantly facilitate and resolve the legal problems that arise in succession proceedings.

2021 ◽  
pp. 128-148
Author(s):  
Ariadna Ripoll Servent ◽  
Olivier Costa

The European Parliament (EP) symbolizes many of the struggles that characterize the process of European integration and is at the core of many theoretical and empirical debates about representation, accountability, and legitimacy. This chapter draws on a variety of theoretical approaches to explain the complex role the EP plays in the political system of the European Union (EU). It starts with a brief overview of the history and functions of the assembly, followed by a theoretical explanation of its empowerment over time. Then, it determines the extent to which the EP is capable of influencing policymaking, both in legislative and non-legislative domains, as well as for the appointment of the Commission. It presents the political structure of the assembly and underlines the role of parliamentary groups and committees. It discusses the representativeness of the EP and the democratic quality of its internal functioning. Finally, it addresses current and future challenges for the EP.


Subject Proposed reform of the EU comitology procedure. Significance The little-known ‘comitology’ procedure plays a key role in EU regulation. In recent years, this process has been breaking down as member-state expert representatives in comitology committees often abstain from voting, forcing the European Commission to take controversial decisions on its own (and accept any blame for them). In response, the Commission has proposed reforms that would pressure member states to take a position on (and hence political ownership of) controversial regulatory decisions. Impacts Government representatives, interest-group representatives and corporate lobbyists will be most affected by comitology reform. Despite adding transparency and avoiding blame-shifting to Brussels, the reforms would probably not help the EU’s image with citizens. The European Parliament might demand -- as part of any final reform package -- an increase in its involvement in the comitology process.


Author(s):  
Dimitry Kochenov

On a reasoned proposal by one third of the Member States, by the European Parliament or by the European Commission, the Council, acting by a majority of four fifths of its members after obtaining the consent of the European Parliament, may determine that there is a clear risk of a serious breach by a Member State of the values referred to in Article 2. Before making such a determination, the Council shall hear the Member State in question and may address recommendations to it, acting in accordance with the same procedure.


Res Publica ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28
Author(s):  
Guido Van Den Berghe

Between 7 June and 10 June 1979, the first elections of the representatives of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage will be held in all the Member States of the European Community.Within that period, the elections shall be held on a date fixed by each Member State. The electoral procedure, except for the common provisions of the annexed Act to the Council Decision on directelections of 20 September 1976, shall be governed in each Member State by its national procedures. There will be nine parallel national elections.  The Council Decision and the annexed Act of 20 September 1976 are considered in retrospect and then analysed, as are the national electoral laws, which will be used for the European elections in the different Member States. Their mutual differences and contradictions are discussed.Changes from the electoral procedure in use for national elections are traced.  Broadly speaking, one of the aims of the article is to show that the potential influence of an individual vote of a «European citizenl» on the composition of the European Parliament wilt differ considerably from one Member State to another.In the closing remarks, the European elections are put into the perspective of furthering the  democratisation of the European Communities.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Thomas Karner ◽  
Sylvia Scharl ◽  
Brigitte Weninger

Transport statistics provide information about transport volume and performance on defined territories (e.g. for the European Union as a whole or for the individual member states) and are therefore necessary for political, economic and ecological decisions. Complying with the current European legal basis[1] the surveys for the modes of transport rail, aviation and inland waterways are performed according to the territoriality principle and hence the data on total transport volume is collected in each member state. Alone the road freight transport survey is based on the nationality principle, which means that only freight vehicles registered in the respective member state take part in the national surveys. Thus the single member states have no information about the total transport volume and performance on their own territory derived from road freight vehicles registered in other member states. In contrast the member states have information about the transport volume and performance provided by their freight vehicles in the other European countries. This situation implies a significant limitation of the usability of the results of the national road freight surveys as well as the usefulness of the modal split of the single modes of transport based solely on the national surveys.[1] Regulation (EC) No 91/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2002 on rail statistics, OJ No L14, 21.2.2003 p 1 - 15; Regulation (EC) No 437/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 February 2003 on statistical returns in respect of the carriage of passengers, freight and mail by air; OJ No L 66, 11.3.2003 p 1 – 8; Regulation (EC) No 1365/2006 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 September 2006 on statistics of goods transport by inland waterways and repealing Council Directive 80/1119/EEC, OJ L No 264; 25.9.2006 p 1 – 11; Regulation (EU) No 70/2012 of the European Parliament and the Council of 18 January 2012 on statistical returns in respect of the carriage of goods by road (recast), OJ No L 32, 3.2.2012 p 1-18


2021 ◽  
pp. 304-328
Author(s):  
Miriam Sorace

The European Parliament is an extraordinary legislature due to its multinational nature, and its mixed internal legislative organization. Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are subject to mixed incentives: they have to heed both national and European Party Groups’ (EPGs) leaderships, but also have significant opportunities for individual floor access. The chapter uses speech counts from 1999 to 2019, scraped from the EP official website. The analysis finds that frontbench domination of speeches is not constant and has weakened over time. Changes in internal procedure appear to be an important explanatory factor, while member states’ electoral systems do not seem to play a role in explaining frontbench domination patterns. The study also finds that EU-level government–opposition dynamics do not play a role, while ideological extremism does explain speechmaking patterns. In terms of individual level determinants of legislative speech, senior MEPs are granted more floor time, while there is no difference between male and female MEPs in their debate participation rates.


Author(s):  
James O. C. Jonah ◽  
Amy Scott Hill

This chapter outlines the genesis of the independent international civil service and the history of this concept in the form of the UN Secretariat. It shows how successive secretaries-general have interpreted their role and balanced member-state demands, thereby shaping the functions, structures, and internal workings of the Secretariat over time. It also highlights the interests of member states in many aspects of the Secretariat’s management and the politics of its never-ending ‘reform’ process, noting that successful reform requires the investment of real political capital by the Secretary-General. The chapter describes the selection of the Secretary-General as a window onto the uneasy balance between the Secretariat’s dependence on member states and its Charter obligations.


2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
pp. 785-799 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Jarlebring

According to Article 48 of the Treaty on the European Union (TEU), the founding treaties of the Union can only be amended through a three-step procedure. First, the Council calls an Intergovernmental Conference (IGC), after having consulted the European Parliament (EP) and the Commission. Second, within the framework of the IGC, representatives of the governments of the Member States negotiate and sign the amendments to the treaties by common accord. Third, the agreement is submitted to national ratification procedures. When all three steps are concluded, each Member State having ratified the amendments to the treaty, the changes enter into force.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Cornelius Bauer ◽  
Davide Morisi

Scholars usually investigate how average levels of trust in EU institutions vary across countries and over time. Focusing on mean levels, however, ignores distributional properties that might be equally relevant for institutional legitimacy and, more broadly, democratic stability. In this study we investigate how the distribution of trust in the European Parliament (EP) has changed over time and across EU member states. Drawing on pooled cross-sectional data from the European Social Survey for the period 2002–2016, we find that confidence in the EP has not only declined over time but also polarized, since citizens have increasingly moved away from the “average citizen”. This polarizing trend has occurred especially in peripheral EU member states that suffered the most from the economic crisis. Furthermore, we find that trust has polarized especially among the young versus the elderly and the employed versus the unemployed. These findings have implications for EU institutions, whose legitimacy might be eroded in a highly polarized society.


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