scholarly journals SOBERANIA E SEGURANÇA ALIMENTAR NO PARAGUAI: A ATUAÇÃO DO ESTADO E A LUTA DOS MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS/Sovereignty and Food Security in Paraguay: the role of the State and the struggle of the social movements/Soberanía y seguridad alimentaria en el Paraguay: el papel del Estado y la lucha de los movimientos sociales

REVISTA NERA ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 128-152
Author(s):  
Lorena Izá Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Food Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

A questão da soberania e segurança alimentar no Paraguai é um paradoxo. O país é o sexto maior produtor de soja a nível mundial, com uma produção de 8.004.858 toneladas na safra de 2014/2015 e exportação de 4.856.121 toneladas, ou seja, mais de 50% do total de soja produzida no país é utilizada no exterior (CAPECO, 2016). Porém, ao mesmo tempo, apenas 352.900 hectares foram destinados à produção de alimentos para a população paraguaia, o correspondente a 6% da superfície total do país. Além da baixa produção de alimentos, o Paraguai sofre com um aumento contínuo da taxa de pobreza, com 1.534.000 habitantes vivendo na linha de pobreza em 2015. Diante deste cenário, emerge o papel do Estado paraguaio, que atua timidamente na promoção da segurança alimentar, uma vez que a maioria de suas políticas públicas não possui como alvo a garantia do acesso ao alimento e aquelas que são essenciais não saíram do plano institucional. Neste contexto, movimentos sociais possuem um papel de extrema importância.

scholarly journals A “VOCAÇÃO” EXTRATIVISTA LATINO-AMERICANA E OS MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
Guillermo Alfredo Johnson ◽  
Marcos Antônio da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
The State ◽  
Work Arrangements ◽  
The People ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Rio Bravo

O artigo aponta que uma das questões vinculadas à inserção dos países latino-americanos no sistema mundial interfere significativamente na reprodução do capital e, ao mesmo tempo, ergue-se em um dos principais aspectos da intensidade dos movimentos sociais: o caráter persistentemente extrativista das nossas economias. Nesta senda, aatuação do Estado, com viés desenvolvimentista pautado pelo financiamento e fortalecimento do setor privado, tem favorecido o agronegócio (freando a reforma agrária e as reivindicações dos quilombolas e indígenas), executando uma agenda de ampliação da infraestrutura (portos, hidrelétricas, estradas e políticas energéticas, para citar alguns) e facilitado à extração de minérios ao sul do Rio Bravo. Dimensões desses elementos têm provocado a reação das populações desde os lugarejos mais recônditos da Nossa América, com mobilizações populares, frequentemente isoladas pelos meios de comunicação de massas, e com o desmonte da virulência daqueles mais consolidados (como o MST no caso brasileiro). Ao mesmo tempo, no caso das grandes obras de infraestrutura, registra-se a proteção estatal ao regime precário de trabalho, com vistas a privilegiar esses setores estratégicos para o grande capital. Tendo em vista a dispersão geográfica desses movimentos sociais, assim como a desarticulação que se observa daqueles que não pouco tempo atrás se confrontavam com as políticas estatais, torna-se necessário pensar as possibilidades de unificação dessa diversidade de reivindicações aliadas às demandas dos trabalhadores.Palavras-chave: Estado, extrativismo, movimentos sociais.THE LATIN AMERICAN EXTRACTIVE “VOCATION” AND THE SOCIAL MOVEMENTSAbstract: The article points that one of the issues related to the integration of Latin American countries in the world system significantly interferes with the reproduction of capital and, at the same time, rise up in one of the main aspects of the intensity of social movements: the character of our economies persistently extractive. In this vein, the role of the State, with a bias guided by a development ruled in funding and strengthening the private sector, has consistently favored agribusiness (braking the agrarian reform and the demands of the quilombolas and indigenous people), performing an agenda for expansion of infrastructure (ports, hydroelectric plants, roads and energy policies, to name a few) and facilitated the extraction of ores from south of the Rio Bravo. The extent of these elements has triggered the reaction of the people from the most remote villages of Our America, with popular mobilizations, often isolated by mass communication, and with the dismantling of virulence of those more established (as in the Brazilian MST ). At the same time, in the case oflarge infrastructure projects, it was possible to observe the state protection for precarious work arrangements, in order to privilege these strategic sectors for great capital. In view of the geographic dispersion of these social movements, as well as the disarticulation is observed among those that recently clashed with state policies, it is necessary to consider thepossibilities of unifying this diversity of claims allied with the demands of the workers.Keywords: State, extractivism, social movements.

Nation Branding

2020 ◽  
pp. 57-73
Author(s):  
Héctor Fernández L’Hoeste
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Nation Branding ◽  
Business Managers ◽  
Imagined Community ◽  
Social Sciences And Humanities ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Political Technology

This chapter proposes the practice of nation branding as a political technology, as an example of neoliberalism in which the definition of national identity, previously assessed primarily by the social sciences and humanities, becomes the domain of business managers and advertising executives, thanks to technologies associated with social media. It explains how the redefinition of social goods, the role of the state, and the role of experts entail the replacement of a more socially driven understanding of identity with an act of commercial prestidigitation by way of nation branding; the pertinent state entities are replaced by advertising and image consultancy firms; and, lastly, scholars of various disciplines are replaced by advertising and PR executives. In short, following neoliberalism, identity is reinterpreted as brand. Identity no longer results from the never-ending and instantaneous negotiation between a multiplicity of parties, representative of myriad aspects relevant to the configuration of individuals and communities, but is rendered instead as the quantifiable, concrete result of a variety of transactions. Through this reformulation, a new relationship is suggested between the idea of nation as imagined community and the reality of the state as a material expression of the concept of nation.

HUMANIZATION OF INFORMATION SPACE IN THE ASPECT OF ENSURING THE BIOLOGICAL, FOOD AND NUTRITION SECURITY OF THE COUNTRY

10.12737/7759 ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-75
Author(s):  
Юнусов ◽  
Rauf Yunusov
Keyword(s):  
Information Technology ◽  
Food Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Information Space ◽  
Food And Nutrition Security ◽  
Nutrition Security ◽  
Regulatory Authorities ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Food And Nutrition

The article presents the importance of information technology in the biological and food security of the country. It reveals the role of the state federal regulatory authorities in its provision.

Political Opportunity Structure, Contentious Social Movements, and State-Based Organizations: The Fight against Solidarity inside the Polish United Workers Party

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.

scholarly journals CHARACTERISTICS OF BASIC COMPONENTS OF THE SOCIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS REGULATION MECHANISM IN THE UNITED TERRITORIAL COMMUNITIES

2020 ◽  
pp. 19-23
Author(s):  
Viktor Nyzhnyk ◽  
Oleh Rudyk
Keyword(s):  
Community Development ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Labor Relations ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Regulation Mechanism ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
State And Local

The study is devoted to the substantiation of the basic components of the mechanism of regulation of social and labor relations in the united territorial communities of Ukraine. The article analyzes the research on the role of the state and local governments in regulating and developing social and labor relations at the local level. The leading world concepts in regulating social and labor relations have been characterized. The purpose and role of local self- government bodies in regulating social and labor relations have been defined. The basic scientific approaches to the concept of “community development” have been investigated. Based on the research, the basic components of the mechanisms of regulation of social and labor relations in the united territorial communities have been identified and their characteristics have been given.

scholarly journals SOCIO-ECONOMIC POLICY OF UKRAINE: PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS

2021 ◽  
pp. 185-193
Author(s):  
О. О. Nikogosyan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Market Failures ◽  
Private Business ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social

The article defines the priorities of the social policy of Ukraine at the present stage. The socio-economic problems of Ukraine are analyzed, their causes and solutions are identified. It is shown that the main reason for the failures of the socio-economic policy of independent Ukraine is the uncritical attitude of Ukrainian reformers to the consequences of neoliberal policies in other countries, as a result of which foreign experience of socio-economic reforms began to be introduced without taking into account domestic specifics. The decline in the role of the state in socio-economic policy, the increase in the role of private business, the privatization of "everything and everyone" led to a sharp social stratification, an economic crisis, which became a trigger for crises in all spheres of Ukrainian society. One of the fundamental principles of neoliberal economics, deregulation, has also collapsed. It turned out that the market is not efficient in areas in which the business cannot make quick and large profits. The so-called "market failures" demonstrated the need for state regulation in the spheres of education, health care, ecology, etc. Conclusions of the study and prospects for further research in this direction. Thus, if the new government really wants to build a successful country of happy people, it must make social and economic policy its top priority. Its primary tasks at the present stage should be: reduction of tariffs for utilities by eliminating from them the corruption component and excess profits of suppliers; revision of the principles of granting subsidies for utility bills. Exclusion from the number of subsidies of those who do not need state aid, but have a formal right to receive it (they work unofficially); the fight against the shadow economy, with the concealment of income from taxation; reforming the system of wages and pensions; creation of jobs with decent wages; establishing interaction between the state and private business in order to increase the social responsibility of the latter.

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