scholarly journals How to Know a Citizen When You See One? The Sex of a Citizen

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Adriana Zaharijević

The paper explores how the 19th century scientific discourses naturalized sex. Those highest ranking forms of public knowledge are situated within a broader context of knowledge production on what it is to be human and how the gradation of humanity has been made possible. The paper concentrates on the sexed ‘humans’ in order to show how sex worked as the political and epistemic tool which foreclosed the domains of citizenship for women. I argue that epistemic incomprehensibility is fundamentally related to the politically liminal or impossible lives. Thus, by using examples from the Victorian sciences, the paper shows how the scientific naturalization of sex actively limited the space of citizenship for women. Author(s): Adriana Zaharijević Title (English): How to Know a Citizen When You See One? The Sex of a Citizen Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 10, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 2013) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities – Skopje  Page Range: 71-82 Page Count: 11 Citation (English): Adriana Zaharijević, “How to Know a Citizen When You See One? The Sex of a Citizen,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 10, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 2013): 71-82.

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


2006 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Russ ◽  
Gary J. Previts ◽  
Edward N. Coffman

Canal companies were among the first enterprises to be organized in the corporate form and to require large amounts of capital. This paper examines the stockholder review committee of a 19th century corporation, the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company (C&O), and discusses how the C&O used this corporate governance structure to monitor and improve financial management and operations. A major strength was the concern and dedication of the stockholders to the company, while a major weakness was the political control exerted by the State of Maryland. The paper provides an historical perspective on corporate governance in the 19th century. This research contributes to the literature by providing detailed workings and practices of a stockholder review committee. The paper documents corporate governance efforts in archival sources that provide an early example of accountability required in a corporate charter and the manner in which the stockholders carried out this responsibility.


Hypatia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 580-596 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigitte Bargetz

Currently, affect and emotions are a widely discussed political topic. At least since the early 1990s, different disciplines—from the social sciences and humanities to science and technoscience—have increasingly engaged in studying and conceptualizing affect, emotion, feeling, and sensation, evoking yet another turn that is frequently framed as the “affective turn.” Within queer feminist affect theory, two positions have emerged: following Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick's well‐known critique, there are either more “paranoid” or more “reparative” approaches toward affect. Whereas the latter emphasize the potentialities of affect, the former argue that one should question the mere idea of affect as liberation and promise. Here, I suggest moving beyond a critique or celebration of affect by embracing the political ambivalence of affect. For this queer feminist theorizing of affective politics, I adapt Jacques Rancière's theory of the political and particularly his understanding of emancipation. Rancière takes emancipation into account without, however, uncritically endorsing or celebrating a politics of liberation. I draw on his famous idea of the “distribution of the sensible” and reframe it as the “distribution of emotions,” by which I develop a multilayered approach toward a nonidentitarian, nondichotomous, and emancipatory queer feminist theory of affective politics.


Author(s):  
R. Valeyev ◽  
◽  
R. Valeyeva ◽  
O. Vasilyuk ◽  
D. Khayrutdinov ◽  
...  

The article publishes the first letter of A. Y. Krymsky from Beirut, the period of his academic trip to Professor A. N. Veselovsky of Moscow University and the Lazarev Institute of Oriental Languages. The published letter greatly expand our understanding of the period of A. Y. Krymsky's stay in Lebanon from October 1896 to May 1898. These personal autographs of A. Y. Krymsky are valuable material for his extensive epistolary heritage and original assessments of the political, social and cultural situation in Beirut at the end of the 19th century. This is the first ever publication of letter written by A. Y. Krymsky to A. N. Veselovsky in January of 1897, from the collections of the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art.


2021 ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Eyal Benvenisti ◽  
Doreen Lustig

During the course of the second half of the 19th century, the rules regulating the conduct of armies during hostilities were internationally codified for the first time. The conventional narrative attributes the codification of the laws of war to the campaign of civil society, especially that of the founders of the Red Cross—Henry Dunant and Gustav Moynier. In what follows, we problematize this narrative and trace the construction of this knowledge. We explore how the leading figures of the Red Cross, who were aware of the shortcomings of their project, were nonetheless invested in narrating its history as a history of success. Their struggle to control the narrative would eventually confer the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) with considerable interpretive and agenda-setting authority in the realm of the laws of war. We dwell on the meaning of this conscious exercise in knowledge production and its normative ramifications.


Author(s):  
Thiago Lima Nicodemo ◽  
Pedro Afonso Cristovão dos Santos ◽  
Mateus Henrique de Faria Pereira

Brazilian historiography in the 19th century stands for a variety of practices and ways of doing history. In the beginning of the century, the writing of history assumed a specific color after the arrival of the Portuguese Court in 1808, who were escaping the invasion of Portugal by Napoleonic troops. After political independence from Portugal (1822), this writing had to deal with the questions that occupied the minds of its authors, people mostly close to or part of the political elite of the country. Forging a nationality through history, dealing with the tensions between local affiliations and the nation-state, placing indigenous and African peoples in the historical narrative, combining an exemplary history with future-oriented thinking, and using history for international relations issues (such as boundaries disputes) were among the motivations and preoccupations involved in that work. Underlying it all, the myriad ways of writing history in the 19th century had to do with the ways the authors circulated among a world of public archives in the making, personal archives available through certain connections, booksellers, publishers, oral informants, and a changing community of readers and critics that were conforming and disputing rules of acceptability as to what could be considered a work of history. Thinking about the Brazilian historiography of the 1800s as a way of combining practices of archiving, reading, copying, writing, and evaluating can help us understand the remarkable variety of histories and historiographical works written in the period.


Author(s):  
Roman Yu. Pochekaev

Mikhail Speranskiy, an outstanding Russian statesman and legislator of the first half of the 19th century, was Governor-General of Siberia from 1819 to 1821. The main result of this moment in his career was the government reform in Asiatic Russia as well as the formulation in 1822 of a set of codes – rules and regulations – for Siberia and its peoples. Speranskiy tried to incorporate his theories on state and law into these codifications. One of these codes was the Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz which provided for a reform of the government system of the Kazakhs (‘Kirghiz’ in the Russian pre-revolutionary tradition) of the Middle Horde, who were under the control of Siberian regional authorities. The Middle Horde became a place where Speranskiy could experiment with his ideas. Previous researchers have paid more attention to the consequences of the promulgation of the ‘Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz’ for the later history of Kazakhstan. This paper clarifies which specific ideas of Speranskiy on state and law the Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz reflect, and answers the question of whether they had practical importance. A substantial part of the ‘Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz’ was, in fact, ineffective and would not be used in practice because of Speranskiy’s lack of knowledge of the Kazakhs, and his underrating of their political and legal level. At the same time, the authority of Speranskiy in 19th century Russia as legislator and reformer was so high that his Rules on the Siberian Kirghiz remained in force until the 1860’s, when the next substantial administrative reforms of the Kazakh steppe took place.



Author(s):  
José Antonio Cañizares Márquez

Tras los fracasados intentos de reforma colonial de la metrópoli española en la isla de Cuba en el siglo XIX, la Guerra de los Diez Años (1868-1878) representó la primera fase de una revolución independentista coordinada, de diferentes grupos organizados, en la que el papel de los catedráticos fue muy relevante. No obstante, existe un vacío en el trabajo historiográfico sobre el protagonismo político de los catedráticos de institutos en el proceso independentista. Resulta de sumo interés el estudio de estos actores para entender la política colonial de instrucción pública en Cuba, ya que durante la Guerra Grande el sesenta y cinco por ciento de los catedráticos fueron declarados insurrectos, acusados de delitos de infidencia, separados de sus cátedras, encarcelados y algunos ejecutados. Los objetivos de esta investigación no sólo pretenden contribuir al estudio del independentismo en Cuba sino que también pueden ayudar a consolidar los estudios de acción colectiva poco frecuentes en la historiografía española.After the unsuccessful attempts of colonial reform from the Spanish metropolis on the island of Cuba in the 19th century, the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878) represented the first phase of a coordinated independence revolution by different organized groups, in which the role of the professors was quite relevant. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the historiographic work about the political importance of these professors in the independence process. Therefore, it is highly relevant to study these actors to understand the colonial policy of public instruction in Cuba, due to the fact that sixty-five percent of the professors were declared insurgents, accused of treason, dispossessed of their positions, imprisoned and many of them were executed during the Great War. As a result, the objectives of this research are not only intended to contribute to the study of the independence movement in Cuba, but also help consolidate collective action studies that are uncommon in Spanish historiography.


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