scholarly journals Memoria y retorno del exilio republicano catalán (Memory and Return of the Catalan Republican Exile)

Author(s):  
Roser Pujadas Comas d'Argemir

The end of the Spanish Civil War in 1939 meant that many republicans went into exile fleeing Francoism. In the case of intellectuals and writers from Catalunia, exile constituted the only means of ensuring the continuity of their culture, given the cultural and linguistic repression by the dictatorship. Much later than they had expected, some were able to return but, after so many years, return meant yet another rupture; it meant returning to a country no longer the one so often remembered and yearned for. Such events, as is often the case in turbulent historical periods, generated a need to bear witness to the individual and collective experiences, which in literary terms translated into a considerable volume of testimonial works – which continue to be published – by those who suffered this war and exile. As we shall see, memory becomes a kind of con-suelo – comfort - countering the ruptures with a sense of coherence and continuity. For one who has had to leave their country, the land of their birth becomes part of the past, so that in such cases to make present what is far, to remember, involves not only temporal but also spatial issues. When the exile (if such a thing is possible) returns, time inexorably has passed. But what happens with the space re-encountered? In the case of two testimonial texts written by two republicans on their return from exile in Mexico – Al cap de 26 anys (1972) by Avel-lí Artís-Gener and Viatge a l’esperanca (1973), by Artur Bladé Desumvila – we propose to analyse the pattern woven between memory, homeland and return by the experience of exile. We shall see how the return, intended to contrast the idealised country with that in which the exile finds him/herself again, gives rise to a series of reflections about homeland and memory as the foundations of the exile’s identity.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.


2009 ◽  
pp. 99-117
Author(s):  
Carme Molinero

- In Spain the recognition of the "repressed memories" has earned a remarkable public presence since the '90s, similarly to what occurred in most of the western world. In the Spanish case the attention focused on the "memory of the defeated" in the Civil War, which had been systematically silenced during the almost forty years of dictatorship and, to a large extent, during the following two decades too. In parallel with that, in the last quarter of the century there has been an outstanding accumulation of historical knowledge on the many and complementary forms of repression. This has demonstrated the magnitude of physic violence - deaths, concentration camps, imprisonment, work exploitation - as well as legal violence - purging, fines, etc. Francoist repression was much stronger than the one practised by other New Order fascist regimes during peace time. These historical studies have also provided concrete background for movements which for many years have asked for re-cognition from the democratic institutions of victims of Francoism. Key words: Spanish Civil War, Francoist repression, Spanish Civil War historical studies, history and memory, memory public policies, physic and legal violence in Spanish Civil War.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-260
Author(s):  
Antonio Cazorla-Sánchez

The recent evolution of both the historiography on the Spanish Civil War, and even the general population's perception of the conflict, cannot be separated from the changes in the political and cultural paradigms in Europe since the end of the Cold War. By this I mean that Europeans, but not only them, have been evolving from a mostly ideological view of the past to an increasingly humanistic one.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark O’Brien

The Spanish civil war was a conflict that acted as a touchstone for the divisions within Irish society. As a newly-independent state that was 93 per cent Catholic, reporting a conflict that involved, on the one hand, an armed rebellion against a democratically elected government, and on the other, the killing of clergy and the burning of churches, proved divisive. The decisions by Ireland’s three national newspaper titles to send correspondents to Spain only further polarized opinion as their reportage reinforced divergent opinions on the origins and meaning of the conflict. The examination, through digital archives, of the activities of these correspondents sheds new light on the experiences of war correspondents in this conflict and on the ‘newspaper war’ that sought to influence public and political opinion on it. Similarly, the reactions to these reports give an insight into how divisive the conflict was within a state seeking to bed down its own democratic institutions.


Author(s):  
Omar G. Encarnación

This chapter explains the persistence of Spain’s ‘politics of forgetting’, a phenomenon revealed by the wilful intent to disremember the political memory of the violence of the Spanish Civil War and the human rights abuses of General Franco’s authoritarian regime. Looking beyond the traumas of the Civil War, the limits on transitional justice and truth-telling on the Franco regime imposed by a transition to democracy anchored on intra-elite pacts, and the conciliatory and forward-looking political culture that consolidated in the new democracy, this analysis emphasizes a decidedly less obvious explanation: the political uses of forgetting. Special attention is paid to how the absence of a reckoning with the past, protected politicians from both the right and the left from embarrassing and inconvenient political histories; facilitated the reinvention of the major political parties as democratic institutions; and lessened societal fears about repeating past historical mistakes. The conclusion of the chapter explains how the success of the current democratic regime, shifting public opinion about the past occasioned by greater awareness about the dark policies and legacies of the Franco regime, and generational change among Spain’s political class have in recent years diminished the political uses of forgetting. This, in turn, has allowed for a more honest treatment of the past in Spain’s public policies.


2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert McCaa

The Mexican Revolution was a demographic disaster, but there is little agreement about the human cost or its demographic components. Were the missing millions due to war deaths, epidemics, emigration, lost births, or simply census error or evasion? Reading the demographic history of the Revolution from a subsequent census, such as the highly regarded enumeration of 1930, yields more precise figures than those obtained from the usual benchmark, the census of 1921. The 1930 figures are of better quality and, therefore, more suitable for making an assessment by age and sex. This analysis shows that in terms of lives lost, the Mexican Revolution was a demographic catastrophe, comparable to the Spanish Civil War, which has been ranked the ninth deadliest international conflict over the past two centuries. La Revolucióón Mexicana fue un desastre demográáfico; sin embargo, no existe consenso en el monto de la péérdida demográáfica ni de sus componentes. ¿¿Los millones perdidos fueron por la emigracióón, la mortalidad por epidemias, las muertes por la guerra, la caíída en el núúmero de nacimientos, o simplemente error estadíístico? Leyendo la historia demográáfica de la Revolucióón de un censo posterior, como por ejemplo el de 1930, ya que goza de reconocimiento por su calidad y confiabilidad, puede llevarse a cifras, por sexo y edad, mejor fundamentadas. En téérminos de las péérdidas de vidas, las nuevas estimaciones colocan a la Revolucióón Mexicana, junto con la Guerra Civil Españñola, como la novena guerra con mayor mortalidad en el contexto internacional, en los úúltimos dos siglos.


1984 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 111-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ted Benton

The topic of my talk is a very ancient one indeed. It bears upon the place of humankind in nature, and upon the place of nature in ourselves. I shall, however, be discussing this range of questions in terms which have not always been available to the philosophers of the past when they have asked them. When we ask these questions today we do so with hindsight of some two centuries of endeavour in the ‘human sciences’, and some one and a half centuries of attempts to situate the human species within a theory of biological evolution. And these ways of thinking about ourselves and our relation to nature have not been confined to professional intellectuals, nor have they been without practical consequences. Social movements and political organizations have fought for and sometimes achieved the power to give practical shape to their theoretical visions. On the one hand, are diverse projects aimed at changing society through a planned modification of the social environment of the individual. On the other hand, are equally diverse projects for pulling society back into conformity with the requirements of race and heredity. At first sight, the two types of project appear to be, and often are, deeply opposed, both intellectually and politically.


HortScience ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 752A-752
Author(s):  
Bruno C. Moser

Society sends numerous signals to those of us who reach official senior citizen status at age 55. Both personal and professional decisions and goals begin to adapt to that inevitable retirement date, which may no longer be age 65. Our institutions send mixed signals of early retirement incentives to individuals on the one hand, but loss of position threats to departments on the other. Elimination of a required retirement age allows individuals to plan past 65, with a number of options available. This forces departments to consider the final career years more closely than in the past. Maintaining viability and aggressiveness of faculty members during this phase of an individual's career is a challenge. Issues of deadwood on the one hand, vs. aggressive productivity up to retirement, can affect a department's capabilities. Discussion of this phase in faculty careers will center around both the individual and his/her department head who, hopefully, are on the same track regarding career direction, but often have different plans for the final years, e.g. semi-retirement and disengagement versus productivity to the last day. Faculty in departments with competitive peers and strong professional development programs throughout the career path lead to the latter as individuals approach retirement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vlasta Jalušič

Reinhard Koselleck has long been regarded as a particularly eminent theorist of socio-political concepts, while Hannah Arendt had not been in focus as a conceptual author until recent times. This article explores the common thinking space between Arendt and Koselleck through their thesis about the gap, rupture, crisis, or break in the tradition of political thinking and historical periods and how this is linked to their notion of conceptuality, i.e. Begreifen (understanding). Despite the impression that each of them focused on the one main break between the past and the future, Arendt and Koselleck both studied multiple breaks and crises in the Western political tradition. The article attempts to show how their distinctive thinking and rethinking of political concepts (Begreifen) are related to these breaks through several direct and indirect encounters and how these are both close and apart at the same time. While they have different concepts of politics and the political, their understanding of the breaks in time and crises can be read as complementary, especially considering their concern with returning the responsibility for actions and concepts to the human sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Xavier Aldana Reyes

Abstract This article unpacks the cultural work that Juan Carlos Medina’s Insensibles, released in English as Painless, carries out in relation to Spain’s modern history and argues that the film’s painless children are an allegory of the country’s postdictatorship generations. The rendering of fascism as monstrous is less interesting than the connection of insensitivity to the Pacto del Olvido (Pact of Forgetting) and its suppression of painful memory. The fact that the children speak Catalan is a significant overlooked aspect, because Catalonia was the last region to succumb to Nationalist military forces during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and is known for its independentist fervor. A regionalist reading of the film does not simply connect the present and the past; it proposes that the children of the war mediate Spain’s current troubled relationship with historical trauma and act as an artistic response to centralist ideas of a unified and stable nation-state. Such a rethinking demonstrates that the horror genre continues to offer a language of anxiety capable of negotiating and contributing to debates around the importance of national accountability, war reparations, and the condemnation of genocide.​


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