Conclusion

Author(s):  
Lane Windham

The concluding chapter covers the early 1980s and explores how and why workers’ union organizing efforts in the private sector turned sharply downward in 1982 and 1983. It explores the consequences of lower unionization rates into the 21st century, such as increased economic inequality and a weakening of democracy.

JAMA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 323 (12) ◽  
pp. 1133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald M. Berwick ◽  
Kenneth Shine

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Coburn

In <em>Capital in the 21st Century</em>, Piketty takes a central liberal claim about economic inequality seriously and asks: does capitalism reward merit? If true, we would expect salaries, presumably rooted in the reward of merit in the workplace, to be more important to personal wealth than inherited money and property, which is just luck. He concludes that capitalism does not reward merit more than inherited wealth. Piketty suggests that this is at once a political and moral problem. As such, it cannot be resolved through economics alone, especially in the profession’s current incarnation, characterized by mathematical fetishization. Instead, all of the social sciences and humanities will necessarily be mobilized to develop a full description and analysis of economic inequalities, which must then be made a central question for broad, public debate. This is an important epistemological and political argument, although Capital in the 21st Century has critical weaknesses, including an undertheorized empiricism, a tendency to treat economic inequality as a matter of money and not as a social relationship, and a failure to grasp how class, gender, race and age come together in social relationships of exploitation (and not merely statistical relationship of inequality).


Author(s):  
Michal Hrivnák ◽  
Peter Moritz ◽  
Mária Fáziková ◽  
Jana Jarábková

In the 21st century, knowledge is becoming the main source of competitiveness for private sector actors, but also the main source of territorial competitiveness of regions. The development of counseling centers and counseling services is becoming a tool of public support for the productivity of actors in the regional economy, and at the same time a significant localization factor of allocation of technologically intensive firms. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the state of development of counseling for business in the conditions of Slovakia, to describe the services that counseling provides and specify the knowledge that disseminates in space, with regard to evaluating the sources of knowledge used by counseling centers for their own activities. Based on a comparison of the results, we segmented these institutions according to the framework of services provided and activities implemented.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beverly Crawford Ames

Liberal democracy is in decline across the globe. Why? The literature provides many answers, i.e., a decline in the power and gatekeeping role of political parties (Lavinsky and Ziblatt), the role of intellectuals (Applebaum), changes in political campaign financing (Balkin), the anti-liberal influence of Donald Trump (Kendzior), the flaws of “democracy” itself (Mounk), to name just a few. Most scholars, however, neglect the underlying causes of these proximate phenomena. In this essay I take a sociological and social-psychological approach to explore the underlying causes. I focus on liberal democracy’s decline in the Industrial West, particularly the United States. I argue that this decline can be partly attributed to the inherent weaknesses/limitations of liberalism, exacerbated in the 21st century by neo-liberal economic forces and digital technology. I contend that liberal values of equality, tolerance, the rule of law, and rational debate chafe against the sacrosanct entrenchment of the neo-liberal free market and its laissez-faire ideology, as well as the inherent liberal neglect of the human need for status, community, heroes, and the impulse to unleash passionate grievances. This chafing has now opened lesions in liberal institutions, exacerbated by widespread disinformation and obscene inequality, I offer three suggestions to strengthen 21st century liberalism: government regulation of social media to censure hate speech and disinformation, new taxes on wealth to reduce economic inequality, and an expansion of the public realm—parks, libraries, beaches, public schools, etc., where “money doesn’t matter.” This last suggestion is crucial. Because economic inequality and precarity will persist in a liberal democratic society even when taxation is more equitable, expansion of the public realm is needed to reduce the impact of inequality in liberal democratic society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Durai Murugan S

Marxism, which produced the theory of communism, is very extensive. This field that originated in the West and grew up in Tamil novel literature, and Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels are the founders of Marxism, which has the principle of equality for the working class. The theory of reflection is the theory that is primarily in the literary theories advanced by Marxism. That is, the class conflicts in society cause crises in human lives. The economic inequality in society is the primary cause of social contradiction. Struggles erupt when the bourgeoisie exploits the working people. This article seeks to examine the struggles in Tamil novels published in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Christoph Demmke

For a lengthy period, governments worldwide believed that civil servants should be linked to the authority of the state and could not be compared to employees in the private sector. This group of public employees were perceived as agents of the “Leviathan” (Hobbes), intended to uphold the rule of law and to implement government policies. In this conception, where the state was separated from society and citizens, it was inconceivable that civil servants could be compared to other employees. Towards the end of the 20th century, in almost all countries worldwide, reform measures have encouraged the change, deconstruction and decentralization of the civil service on all fronts. In the meantime, there are now as many different categories of public employees as there are different public functions, organizations, and tasks. Overall, the number of civil servants has decreased and some countries have abolished traditional civil service features. Moreover, working conditions and working life have changed. Thus, whereas for a long time, civil servants were very different from the employees of private companies, this distinction is much less clear in the early 21st century. Such a situation had been unthinkable 10 years earlier. Consequently, the traditional concept of the civil service as a distinct employment group and status is slowly disappearing. In addition, current organizational reform trends have made public administration as such into a somewhat heterogeneous body. In the early 21st century, civil services have become more diverse, less hierarchical and standardized, more flexible, diverse, representative and less separated from the citizenry than they were traditionally. Whereas the term “bureaucracy” had represented clear values (hierarchy, formalism, standardization, rationality, obedience etc.), new reforms have brought with them new values, but also more conflicting ones, and value dilemmas. Whereas most governments still agree that human resource management (HRM) policies should continue to be based on rational principles such as the rule of law, equity, and equality, the increasing popularity of behavioral economics and behavioral ethics and the trend toward the delegation of responsibilities to employees through different concepts such as engagement, lifelong learning, and competency development, illustrate that current trends run counter to classical bureaucratic styles. Moreover, digitalization and flexibilization trends are changing work systems and leading to an individualization of HR practices by facilitating the monitoring and measuring of individual efforts and engagement practices. Thus, the problem with this description of administration in the 21st century is obvious. Whereas the terms “bureaucracy” or “civil service” can be defined and broken down into concrete definitions, this is much less the case with the new civil service systems and new administrative models. However, stereotypes around public organizations and civil servants continue to survive, even though they were shaped in a world that no longer exists. Even in the early 21st century, many people still have the perception that civil servants work in an environment that is clearly separated from the private sector. Also, most public-service motivation theories start from the assumption that civil servants are different because they are civil servants.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Reza A.A Wattimena ◽  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita

Global economic inequality, namely the economic inequality between various countries and regions, is one of the biggest challenges of 21st century. Thus, it has also become an important issue in economic security. It creates extreme poverty in the face of abundant living in several rich countries and regions. It is also the root of other global problems, such as human trafficking, spreads of slums, diseases, and international network of radicalism, extremism and terrorism. Because of the global scope, the world needs to develop new perspective in combating global economic inequality and its negative consequences. Eco-social market economy, which is developed from the German social theories, can offer such perspective. It balances between two important areas of social life, namely social justice on the one hand, and ecological awareness of the other hand. This paper elaborates the basic notions and implementations of eco-social market economy in global level to overcome the issue of global economic inequality in 21st century as a new perspective in addressing the issue of economic insecurity in our current global economic, political and security interactions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Blendi Kajsiu

This is a summary of some of the main arguments and findings of the book ¿Corrupción pública o privada? La dimensión ideológica de los discursos anti-corrupción en Colombia, Ecuador y Albania (Bogotá: Tirant lo Blanch, 2020). The book compares the official anti-corruption discourses of president Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) in Colombia, president Rafael Correa (2007-2017) in Ecuador and prime minister Edi Rama (2013-present) in Albania. It shows that although these three countries face very similar levels and perceptions of corruption their governments articulate this phenomenon differently due to their distinct ideological positions. While the neoliberal governments of Santos and Rama defined corruption primarily as abuse of public office and locate it mainly in the public sector, or in its interaction with the private one, the government of Rafael Correa, which embraced the 21st Century Socialism, defined corruption primarily as a problem of the private sector that captures and distorts the public sector. 


Author(s):  
Santiago Budria

This article uses data from the 1994-2001 waves of the European Community Household Panel to study economic inequality in Portugal. It reports data on the distributions of income, labour earnings, and capital income, and on related features of inequality, such as age, employment status, educational attainment, marital status, and economic mobility. A Generalized Ordered Probit model is used to investigate how and to what extent the different household characteristics contribute to economic status and economic mobility. The article shows that education is by and large the dimension most closely related to inequality.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document