Karl Mannheim on Fascism: Sociological Lessons About Populism and Democracy Today?

The parallels and differences between current forms of populism and early 20th-century fascism have been the focus for much discussion. This article examines the relevance today of Karl Mannheim’s analysis of fascism and of its relationship to democracy in the 1930s. He argued that the threat of fascism arose from the very nature of liberal democratic society, rather than being a product of external forces. He claimed that liberal democracy is transitional, rather than stable in character, and that the new emerging form of governance that was required to replace it shared a key component with fascism: a high level of social and economic planning. At the same time, he insisted that, as a pathological development, fascism served to illustrate the disastrous consequences that a failure to engage realistically with the process of societal development can have for upholding Western civilisational ideals. This article explores Mannheim’s arguments against the background of current thinking about populism and ‘post-democracy’.

A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE KEY CHALLENGES OF TRADE UNIONISM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC

Trade unions are basically an integral part of liberal democratic society. They are an im-portant part of the fabric of the Nigerian society, providing social, economic, political and psychological benefits for their members as well as the platform for participation in mana-gerial functions in government and work industry. It is worrisome that in recent times, trade unions in Nigeria are witnessing serious challenges that tend to militate against their performance. This paper therefore examines the challenges in Nigeria’ fourth republic, using the Marxist theory of class conflicts as theoretical framework of analysis. A qualita-tive research method was adopted and was content analyzed in relation to the scope of the paper. The paper observes that lack of committed leadership, lack of internal democracy, government intervention, tribalism and nepotism, internal factionalism, apathetic attitude, poor economic climate and non-affiliation with foreign union are the major challenges that trade unions in Nigeria currently face. The paper recommends among others that trade unions should imbibe the tenets of democracy in their internal administration.

A Theory of Contract Law: What Meaning and for What Purpose?

Each of the two parts of Peter Benson’s stimulating book raises an important epistemological question. In the first part, the aim is to search for the “true” theory of contract, the one that best explains the rules and doctrines of general contract law. In the second part, the author seeks to convince that his theory is the best one, in the sense that it is the one that provides the most appropriate moral basis in a liberal democratic society; in other words, the one that allows the greatest “justice” in transactions. A third formidable epistemological question then arises: whether “truth” and “justice” are identical.

17. Article 10: freedom of expression

Without assuming prior legal knowledge, books in the Directions series introduce and guide readers through key points of law and legal debate. It discusses European Convention law and relates it to domestic law under the HRA. Questions, discussion points, and thinking points help readers to engage fully with each subject and check their understanding as they progress and knowledge can be tested by self-test questions and exam questions at the chapter end. This chapter focuses on Article 10, one of the fundamental rights acknowledged in a liberal, democratic society—freedom of expression. Article 10 is a qualified right which reflects the idea that there can be important and legitimate reasons as to why freedom of expression may need to be restricted in order to protect other important rights and freedoms. While the first paragraph of Article 10 establishes a general right to freedom of expression, its second paragraph identifies the only bases upon which the right can be restricted. Restriction of the freedom of expression is subject to scrutiny by the courts, and its necessity must be established by the state. In particular the chapter discusses human rights in the context of political speech and the impact of restraints on hate speech.

Philosophical Review of Faith and Religion in the Conditions of the Post-Secular World: from J.W. Goethete’s Wandering to Religious Consumerism

The article is devoted to the philosophical understanding of faith in the post-secu­lar world in the context of the phenomenon of interfaith pilgrimage: from the hu­manism of the Renaissance and Enlightenment (Goethe) to the religion of the laity and religious consumerism in the philosophy of postmodernism. Goethe’s model of individual religiosity in the face of challenges to traditional faiths (migration crisis) and the spread of post-secular, poor theology on a global scale as the world­view of a liberal democratic society (exotic churches, evangelics, charismatics, etc.), and also the process of psychologization, even the mythologization of tradi­tional religions, the movement towards a “religion without grace” can be the sought-after alternative, which is a balance between tradition and innovation; and the reli­gious and philosophical worldview of Goethe, conceptually meaningful, is the new horizon of philosophizing after the post-philosophy.

Unmasking the Weakness of Liberalism: Why the Future of the Liberal Order Is in Danger and What We Can Do to Safeguard It

Liberal democracy is in decline across the globe. Why? The literature provides many answers, i.e., a decline in the power and gatekeeping role of political parties (Lavinsky and Ziblatt), the role of intellectuals (Applebaum), changes in political campaign financing (Balkin), the anti-liberal influence of Donald Trump (Kendzior), the flaws of “democracy” itself (Mounk), to name just a few. Most scholars, however, neglect the underlying causes of these proximate phenomena. In this essay I take a sociological and social-psychological approach to explore the underlying causes. I focus on liberal democracy’s decline in the Industrial West, particularly the United States. I argue that this decline can be partly attributed to the inherent weaknesses/limitations of liberalism, exacerbated in the 21st century by neo-liberal economic forces and digital technology. I contend that liberal values of equality, tolerance, the rule of law, and rational debate chafe against the sacrosanct entrenchment of the neo-liberal free market and its laissez-faire ideology, as well as the inherent liberal neglect of the human need for status, community, heroes, and the impulse to unleash passionate grievances. This chafing has now opened lesions in liberal institutions, exacerbated by widespread disinformation and obscene inequality, I offer three suggestions to strengthen 21st century liberalism: government regulation of social media to censure hate speech and disinformation, new taxes on wealth to reduce economic inequality, and an expansion of the public realm—parks, libraries, beaches, public schools, etc., where “money doesn’t matter.” This last suggestion is crucial. Because economic inequality and precarity will persist in a liberal democratic society even when taxation is more equitable, expansion of the public realm is needed to reduce the impact of inequality in liberal democratic society.

Tolerating Decent Societies

Rawls argues that the public reason of a liberal democratic society should aim to include—and therefore tolerate—all reasonable persons. But the public reason that he defends for the Society of Peoples (globally) is considerably more inclusive. Rawls argues for the toleration of “decent” societies that are not liberal democracies. Critics have charged that such toleration, while perhaps pragmatic, is unprincipled. But a careful examination of Rawls’s criteria for “decency” reveals a defense of Rawls’s position that is grounded in the institutional requirements for a society to be able to make its own legitimate political decisions.

On the value of economic growth

Must a society aim indefinitely for continued economic growth? Proponents of economic growth advance three central challenges to the idea that a society, having attained high levels of income and wealth, may justly cease to pursue further economic growth: if environmentally sustainable and the gains fairly distributed, first, continued economic growth could make everyone within a society and globally, and especially the worst off, progressively better off; second, the pursuit of economic growth spurs ongoing innovation, which enhances people’s opportunities and protects a society against future risks; and third, continued economic growth fosters attitudes of openness, tolerance, and generosity, which are essential to the functioning of a liberal democratic society. This article grants these challenges’ normative foundations, to show that, even if one accepts their underlying premises as requirements of justice, a society may still justly cease to aim for economic growth, so long as it continues to aim for and realize gains on other dimensions. I argue that, while continued economic growth might instrumentally serve valuable ends, it is not necessary for their realization, as a society can achieve these ends through other means.

Political Ideologies Language from the Perspective of Modern Western Society

he research is aimed at revealing the linguo-discursive features of political interaction within the framework of liberal-democratic ideological communication in the modern perspective. The task of substantiating the key foundations for the perception of language of political ideology as a linguo-discursive process of mutual adaptation of the state and civil society as subjects of political communication is addressed. The study is anchored in the neoclassical scientific paradigm, within which framework critical rethinking of the political discourse-analysis methodology is carried out. We proceed from the fact that ideology is a representation of a certain set of language elements, so the study of the ideology language serves to reconstruct the discursive base of ideology and the imperatives underlying it. It is shown that the study of language of political ideologies engenders the emergence of parallel centers of power in the sphere of statehood. The growth of destructive elements of communicative interactions in liberal democratic society is revealed, in particular an increase in the discursive means that serve an effective tool of denying the democratic process is identified. his study can be useful in the area of political science, namely in the political practice of liberal-democratic society. The findings are applicable in establishing the factors of destruction of social and political dialogue. In this context, the research can offer solutions, provide resources for politicians and organizations in optimizing the dialogue of political communication subjects. Drawing from Freeden’s morphological approach of studying the ideological discourse, as well as critical discourse studies of van Dijk, the research bridges the gap between the studies of the classical philosophical thought and neoclassical scientific paradigm in comprehending the role of political ideologies language. The current study urges a critical rethinking of methodology of political discourse analysis.