Bargaining

Author(s):  
Ronny Regev

The sixth chapter recounts the history of Hollywood collective bargaining. On a day-to-day basis, the American motion picture industry relied on its ability to balance a modern, rationalized production operation with a more unstructured creative process. However, in times of crisis, when the harmony was interrupted, the creative element was often surrendered. During the 1930s, the presidency of FDR, his New Deal policies, and the empowerment of organized labor throughout the U.S. had a significant influence on Hollywood. The chapter focuses on the rise of the Screen Writers Guild, the Screen Actors Guild, and the Screen Directors Guild, their struggles, the way they chose to pursue them, and the attitude embraced towards them by studio management. However, as is shown, while they borrowed tactics from industrial unions and appealed to the National Labor Relations Board, Hollywood creative employees aligned with traditional industrial labor causes only as long as it served their immediate goals.

Author(s):  
Ross Melnick

This chapter, by Ross Melnick, examines the history of the Army Motion Picture Service (AMPS) and the intricate relationship between the U.S. Army and motion picture exhibition during both war and peacetime. Focusing on the industrial, logistical, and economic formation of AMPS, this chapter focuses on three key periods in the history of U.S. Army film exhibition. It argues that AMPS’s early status as independent of Army Morale, Welfare, and Recreation created unique challenges that hindered its early growth on U.S. Army bases and ultimately led to its withering amid the coming of digital projection and other contemporary challenges.


Author(s):  
Gregory Wood

This chapter examines the relationship of the labor movement to the decline of smokers' work cultures from the 1970s to the 1990s. As newspaper articles, letters to lobbyists, and published National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) decisions illustrate, the demise of smoking at work often intersected with the efforts of many employers to roll back the power of organized labor. Employers sometimes used no-smoking rules to discipline workers, committeemen, and union organizers for unwanted efforts to shape managerial policy making. Unions often fought for working-class smokers and their vanishing privileges, as the increasing marginalization of smoking and smokers seemed to portend the overall demise of labor's power in the late twentieth century. The NLRB discovered in numerous cases brought by workers and unions that employers tried to sidestep collective bargaining by abruptly creating new no-smoking rules and using smoking restrictions to harass union supporters.


1997 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Zieger

During the Clinton administration, for the first time in almost twenty years, the character and direction of the U.S. industrial relations regime has become a matter of serious public debate. Clinton-appointed chair of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) William Gould IV has sought with some success to revivify an agency that in the 1980s had come to seem almost superfluous. The 1994 report entitledThe Commission on the Future of Worker-Management Relations(Dunlop Commission) stirred debate on the role of unions in the nation's future. Organized labor has sought, with some limited success, to place such critical topics as striker replacement on the national agenda. Meanwhile, congressional conservatives have sponsored measures to curb new organizing strategies such as “salting” anti-union workplaces with union activists. Even more moderate politicians, with support from at least some sections of the labor community, have proposed measures aimed at drastic recasting of the Wagner Act's Section 8(a) (2), which outlawed company unions, so as to permit so called “team” approaches to employee representation. The shake-up in the leadership of the AFL-CIO and the federation's launching of an unprecedented program of political mobilization, which in turn has drawn Republican counterfire reminiscent of the rhetoric of the 80th Congress, increases the possibility that basic matters of federal labor policy may, after a long absence from mainstream public discourse, may return to center stage.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Fleischman ◽  
Thomas Tyson ◽  
David Oldroyd

The transition from slavery to freedom in the post-Civil War American South featured the efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau (FB) to help ex-slaves overcome an extremely hostile, racist environment that included the need to articulate new labor relations structures given the demise of the plantation system, to overcome the limitations on equality legislated by the infamous Black Codes, to address the pressing need to educate masses of highly illiterate black children, and the need to provide protection for freedmen from unscrupulous landowners. This paper seeks to measure the degree to which accounting and those performing accounting functions for the FB were able to ameliorate these dire conditions that have caused Reconstruction to be perceived as one of the most negative epochs in the history of American democracy.


Author(s):  
Virginija Degeniene

Knitting technique is rarely mentioned in overview of costume history. Fashion theorists' attention to knitting is also insignificant because this technique never had significant influence on fashion changes. The intention of article is to overview the evolution of knitting, to inquire about its historic roots and its place in fashion history, to present knitting as creative process and contemporary technology that takes even greater part in world of fashion. I wanted to deny established stereotype that knitting is only handiworks or women's pastime. Gathered, analyzed and systemized information unveils interesting panorama of knitting as creating process having old traditions. Originated in old past, created with extremely simple tools now knit product became a branch of textile and fashion industry. Life of contemporary man is hardly imaginable without knit products. New knitting technologies enter into fashion industry and promote variety and progress of the product.


Author(s):  
Lane Windham

This introductory chapter is about how historians have overlooked a wave of private-sector union organizing efforts in the 1970s. These efforts were led by the women and people of color who had gained new access to the nation’s best jobs following the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and who transformed the U.S. working class. This book uses National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) election records to show that an average of half a million workers a year went through NLRB elections in the 1970s. The fact that workers increasingly lost those elections due to weak labor law fed the nation’s new economic divide.


1989 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-188
Author(s):  
Jeffrey L. Gould

Since the 1920s, the San Antonio sugar mill in Chichigalpa, Nicaragua has been that country's largest manufacturing establishment. The ingenio (the sugar mill along with the plantation) employed close to 2,000 workers in 1920, and has since consistently employed far more workers than any other single enterprise. The owners of San Antonio were—and continue to be—the most economically powerful group within the Nicaraguan elite, In contemporary Nicaragua, the above affirmations remain valid: San Antonio is still the largest employer and economically most powerful financial group in the country.Any consideration of the development of Nicaraguan capitalism must take into account the history of the Ingenio San Antonio (ISA). In this article, I will examine the development of relations among labor, management, and the state in San Antonio from the 1890s until 1930 using archival and oral sources. Throughout this period, politics and economics were inseparable for the workers. Particularly after the U.S. Marines occupied Nicaragua in 1912 and bolstered the Conservative regime, the political Liberalism of the San Antonio workers was something of a popular revolutionary


Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin

This chapter explores Reagan’s second term, a very difficult time that was, in many ways, as dreadful as the AFL-CIO had feared. During these years, there was no let-up in the Federation’s decline. Between 1979 and 1989, union density fell sharply, from 24.1 percent of the work force to just 16.8 percent. Almost every other measure of union strength, including the number of strikes and the number of NLRB representation elections, also plummeted. Organized labor, summarized one labor relations expert, had endured a “terrible time” under Reagan. There were some positives, including a recovering economy (which helped organizing), and increased unity within the AFL-CIO. In 1986, labor also played an important role in helping the Democrats to regain control of the U.S. Senate. The AFL-CIO also fought successfully to preserve progressive legislation that benefitted millions of Americans, including Social Security and OSHA. Overall, however, it remained very much “under fire.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-336
Author(s):  
Zosia Kuczyńska

The Brian Friel Papers at the NLI reveal a long and relatively unexplored history of major and minor influences on Friel's plays. As the archive attests, these influences manifest themselves in ways that range from the superficial to the deeply structural. In this article, I draw on original archival research into the composition process of Friel's genre-defining play Faith Healer (1979) to bring to light a model of influence that operates at the level of artistic practice. Specifically, I examine the extent to which Friel's officially unacknowledged encounter with a book of interviews with painter Francis Bacon influenced the play in terms of character, language, and form. I suggest that Bacon's creative process – incorporating his ideas on the role of the artist, the workings of chance, and the extent to which art does violence to fact – may have had a major influence on both the play's development and on Friel's development as an artist.


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