Defending What We Have

Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin

This chapter explores Reagan’s second term, a very difficult time that was, in many ways, as dreadful as the AFL-CIO had feared. During these years, there was no let-up in the Federation’s decline. Between 1979 and 1989, union density fell sharply, from 24.1 percent of the work force to just 16.8 percent. Almost every other measure of union strength, including the number of strikes and the number of NLRB representation elections, also plummeted. Organized labor, summarized one labor relations expert, had endured a “terrible time” under Reagan. There were some positives, including a recovering economy (which helped organizing), and increased unity within the AFL-CIO. In 1986, labor also played an important role in helping the Democrats to regain control of the U.S. Senate. The AFL-CIO also fought successfully to preserve progressive legislation that benefitted millions of Americans, including Social Security and OSHA. Overall, however, it remained very much “under fire.”

Author(s):  
Ronny Regev

The sixth chapter recounts the history of Hollywood collective bargaining. On a day-to-day basis, the American motion picture industry relied on its ability to balance a modern, rationalized production operation with a more unstructured creative process. However, in times of crisis, when the harmony was interrupted, the creative element was often surrendered. During the 1930s, the presidency of FDR, his New Deal policies, and the empowerment of organized labor throughout the U.S. had a significant influence on Hollywood. The chapter focuses on the rise of the Screen Writers Guild, the Screen Actors Guild, and the Screen Directors Guild, their struggles, the way they chose to pursue them, and the attitude embraced towards them by studio management. However, as is shown, while they borrowed tactics from industrial unions and appealed to the National Labor Relations Board, Hollywood creative employees aligned with traditional industrial labor causes only as long as it served their immediate goals.


Author(s):  
David E. Emenheiser ◽  
Corinne Weidenthal ◽  
Selete Avoke ◽  
Marlene Simon-Burroughs

Promoting the Readiness of Minors in Supplemental Security Income (PROMISE), a study of 13,444 randomly assigned youth and their families, includes six model demonstration projects and a technical assistance center funded through the U.S. Department of Education and a national evaluation of the model demonstration projects funded through the Social Security Administration. The Departments of Labor and Health and Human Services and the Executive Office of the President partnered with the Department of Education and Social Security Administration to develop and monitor the PROMISE initiative. This article provides an overview of PROMISE as the introduction to this special issue of Career Development and Transition for Exceptional Individuals.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 9 continues the investigation into the labor-capital balance of power, addressing the third of the three planes of struggle, that of institutional struggle. Focusing on the labor courts in a historical context, the chapter asserts that the courts are on the defensive, accused of being too “biased” in labor’s favor, as too “ideological” in contrast to the Finance Ministry’s “objective expertise”. It argues that attempts to limit the labor courts’ power act de facto to undermine collective labor relations. The labor courts, then, are on the front line of attempts to undermine organized labor by weakening the institutions and frameworks within which it operates.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 7, which addresses the labor-capital balance of power, conceptualizes three planes of labor struggle, anchored in concepts of union power: the “frontal struggle” of organizing drives, unionization and collective action; the “ideological struggle” in which organized labor defends its legitimacy and the legitimacy of collective labor relations; and the “institutional struggle” over the institutions and formalized frameworks that facilitate collective labor relations. The chapter then explores the first plane with an analysis of unionizing at Pelephone, which encountered extreme opposition from the employer and led to a groundbreaking ruling from National Labor Court determining what an employer may and may not do in opposition to an organizing drive. However, noting other employers’ continued opposition to labor organizing and their ability to ignore the spirit of the ruling, the chapter suggests that the frontal struggle is easily undermined if it has no general public support on the level of ideology.


Author(s):  
Gregory Wood

This chapter examines the relationship of the labor movement to the decline of smokers' work cultures from the 1970s to the 1990s. As newspaper articles, letters to lobbyists, and published National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) decisions illustrate, the demise of smoking at work often intersected with the efforts of many employers to roll back the power of organized labor. Employers sometimes used no-smoking rules to discipline workers, committeemen, and union organizers for unwanted efforts to shape managerial policy making. Unions often fought for working-class smokers and their vanishing privileges, as the increasing marginalization of smoking and smokers seemed to portend the overall demise of labor's power in the late twentieth century. The NLRB discovered in numerous cases brought by workers and unions that employers tried to sidestep collective bargaining by abruptly creating new no-smoking rules and using smoking restrictions to harass union supporters.


Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin

The chapter explores the difficult period between Solidarity Day and the 1984 presidential election. Facing a hostile political climate and an ongoing economic recession, the AFL-CIO tried to continue fighting back. In 1982, 1983, and 1984, Kirkland organized Solidarity Day II, III, and IV, and all were large marches. There were some significant internal reforms, as Kirkland oversaw the continued diversification of the Executive Council. Other changes strove to improve the AFL-CIO’s image in the media and to increase communication with members. Kirkland also launched a major organizing campaign in Houston, a brave effort in hostile territory. Continuing to see itself as a “People’s Lobby,” the Federation had some success in defending important social programs, particularly Social Security. Overall, however, Kirkland’s reforms did not go far enough, and union density declined at a rapid rate in these years. President Reagan also won re-election easily in 1984, placing the AFL-CIO and its members further under fire.


Author(s):  
Saori Shibata

This chapter analyzes the development of the Japanese labor movement throughout the postwar period. With some exceptions, workers in Japan have been predominantly organized in unions that have had a commitment to a relatively non-confrontational approach toward industrial relations. This organization has come to be challenged in more recent years, however, since the classic model of Japanese labor relations has faced increasing strain as part of the wider changes to the Japanese model of capitalism. Alongside this historical overview of organized labor, the chapter also considers the development of other (non-labor) social movements. This includes those movements that have emerged to promote the interests of social groups whose interests overlap with those of labor but who might not immediately identify themselves as part of the labor movement, such as the homeless, unemployed, and students. The trajectory of social conflict in Japan during the past thirty years has seen a move away from the classic model of social compromise. Various types of social conflict—both inside and outside of the workplace, and involving either workers or those less typically identified with organized labor—have become increasingly common.


Author(s):  
Timothy Rouse ◽  
David N. Levine ◽  
Allison Itami ◽  
Benjamin Taylor

The U.S. has no comprehensive national law governing cybersecurity and no uniform framework for measuring the effectiveness of protections, though retirement plan record keepers maintain the personally identifiable information on millions of workers, collecting names, birth dates, social security numbers, and beneficiaries. Plan sponsors frequently engage consultants and attorneys to help them secure sensitive data, but more work is necessary to engage a larger discussion around this issue. The SPARK Institute has outlined a flexible approach for an independent third-party reporting of cyber security capabilities with several key control objectives.


Author(s):  
Brian Duncan ◽  
Stephen J. Trejo

Over the last several decades, two of the most significant developments in the U.S. labor market have been (1) rising inequality and (2) growth in both the size and the diversity of immigration flows. Because a large share of new immigrants arrive with very low levels of schooling, English proficiency, and other skills that have become increasingly important determinants of success in the U.S. labor market, such immigrants and their descendants may be a poor fit for the restructured economy and consequently have a difficult time integrating into American society. In this article we discuss some of the issues that arise when investigating the socioeconomic integration of immigrants and their U.S.-born descendants, and we selectively review research on these topics. In addition, we consider what kinds of supplementary information might be valuable to collect to improve our understanding of immigrant integration and of the intergenerational mobility experienced by immigrant families.


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