“Poore Soules”

Virginia 1619 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 133-149

This chapter explores the emergence of indentured servitude in Virginia in the late 1610s. It focuses upon the Virginia Company’s increasing efforts to transport vagrants and paupers, who were often children, to the colony to serve as bound laborers. The chapter traces the roots of this policy to the political and social theories about commonwealth in Jacobean England and to the institution of pauper apprenticeship. It also uncovers the practical way in which the transportation of children and vagrants was organized in London and the ways in which it met with resistance from both local leaders and those facing transportation. The chapter offers a newly detailed analysis of the foundations of the system of bound English labor that became so critical to the development of seventeenth-century American colonialism.

1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Whalen

Philo-Semitism is America's enduring contribution to the long, troubled, often murderous dealings of Christians with Jews. Its origins are English, and it drew continuously on two centuries of British research into biblical prophecy from the seventeenth Century onward. Philo-Semitism was, however, soon “domesticated” and adapted to the political and theological climate of America after independence. As a result, it changed as America changed. In the early national period, religious literature abounded that foresaw the conversion of the Jews and the restoration of Israel as the ordained task of the millennial nation—the United States. This scenario was, allowing for exceptions, socially and theologically optimistic and politically liberal, as befit the ethos of a revolutionary era. By the eve of Civil War, however, countless evangelicals cleaved to a darker vision of Christ's return in blood and upheaval. They disparaged liberal social views and remained loyal to an Augustinian theology that others modified or abandoned.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.


Moments of royal succession, which punctuated the Stuart era (1603–1714), occasioned outpourings of literature. Writers, including most of the major figures of the seventeenth century from Jonson, Daniel, and Donne to Marvell, Dryden, and Behn, seized upon these occasions to mark the transition of power; to reflect upon the political structures and values of their nation; and to present themselves as authors worthy of patronage and recognition. This volume of essays explores this important category of early modern writing. It contends that succession literature warrants attention as a distinct category: appreciated by contemporaries, acknowledged by a number of scholars, but never investigated in a coherent and methodical manner, it helped to shape political reputations and values across the period. Benefiting from the unique database of such writing generated by the AHRC-funded Stuart Successions Project, the volume brings together a distinguished group of authors to address a subject which is of wide and growing interest to students both of history and of literature. It illuminates the relation between literature and politics in this pivotal century of English political and cultural history. Interdisciplinary in scope, the volume will be indispensable to scholars of early modern British literature and history as well as undergraduates and postgraduates in both fields.


1976 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 211-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Elton

WHEN on the previous two occasions I discussed Parliament and Council as political centres, as institutions capable of assisting or undermining stability in the nation, I had to draw attention to quite a few unanswered questions. However, I also found a large amount of well established knowledge on which to rely. Now, in considering the role of the King's or Queen's Court, I stand more baffled than ever, more deserted. We all know that there was a Court, and we all use the term with frequent ease, but we seem to have taken it so much for granted that we have done almost nothing to investigate it seriously. Lavish descriptions abound of lavish occasions, both in the journalism of the sixteenth century and in the history books, but the sort of study which could really tell us what it was, what part it played in affairs, and even how things went there for this or that person, seems to be confined to a few important articles. At times it has all the appearance of a fully fledged institution; at others it seems to be no more than a convenient conceptual piece of shorthand, covering certain people, certain behaviour, certain attitudes. As so often, the shadows of the seventeenth century stretch back into the sixteenth, to obscure our vision. Analysts of the reigns of the first two Stuarts, endeavouring to explain the political troubles of that age, increasingly concentrate upon an alleged conflict between the Court and the Country; and so we are tempted, once again, to seek the prehistory of the ever interesting topic in the age of Elizabeth or even Henry VIII.


Sociology ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 003803852098579
Author(s):  
Clive James Nwonka

The racial unrests permeating across Britain in the late 1970s resulted in a set of political agendas responding to racism to be brought into being though legislation, culminating in the passing of the 1976 Race Relations Act. Crucial to such agendas were strategies for the prevention of black urban uprisings against state authority and the politicisation of black youths against racism. The emergence of politicised black British film during the late 1970s offered a crucial counter-hegemonic exploration and re-enactment of an extra-filmic reality of police violence and popular racism within the British body social. However, these texts were subjected to forms of political censorship through a number of state organisations who identified radical black cinema as a political threat with the potential to incite violent responses from black youths. This article will offer a detailed analysis of Babylon (1980) and seeks to investigate the ideological processes leading to its X certification and the moral panic located in its representations of black youths within the crisis of race vis-a-vis the political, social and cultural authority of race relations, situating Babylon’s controversial X certification as an exemplar of the ‘applicational dexterity’ of the race relations discipline.


2014 ◽  
Vol 87 (4) ◽  
pp. 666-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. H. Roper

The English takeover of the Dutch colony of New Netherland in 1664 illustrates the enduring centrality of colonial agendas in the political culture of the seventeenth-century English Empire but also provided an occasion by which the metropolitan government and its perspective ironically assumed greater weight in colonial-imperial relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 286
Author(s):  
Erond L. Damanik

This study explores and discusses the phenomenon of a single candidate in the local leaders’ election or Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) in Deli Serdang Regency, North Sumatra Province, in 2018. The study is motivated by the phenomenon of a single candidate in the local leaders’ election. In Deli Serdang, the local leaders’ election should have a multi-candidate pattern, either independent or 3-4 political party candidates. This study has focused on the mechanism of the emergence of a single candidate. According to Dahl, the theoretical approach is the candidacy mechanism, and according to Norris, the significance of the right to vote. The study was conducted qualitatively with an ongoing explorative, independent, and case-oriented study approach. The data collected through in-depth interviews with nine key informants consisting of the Political Party Branch Management Board or Dewan Pimpinan Cabang (DPC), the General Elections Commission or Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU), the Election Supervisory Committee or Panitia Pengawas Pemilihan (Panwaslih), independent, failed, and incumbent candidates. The sixteen secondary informants consisted of eight voting behaviors and eight non-voting behaviors randomly selected and interviewed to determine their perception of a single candidate. The study found that a single candidate is the logical consequence of ambiguity in an internal political party candidacy. The study’s novelty is the exclusion of incumbent ruling candidates incentivizing a political party monopoly to ensure victory in contestation. The study concluded that the dysfunction of the candidacy and exclusion in power has implications for a single candidate in the local leaders’ election. Contestation with a single candidate’s presence is an uncontested election, and it is contrary to the theoretical paradigm referred to in this study.


Author(s):  
Tetyana Dubitska

The Khotyn Uprising was an event that became one of the most striking pages in the history of the region in the XX century. Considerable attention was paid to the study of the history of this issue during the Soviet period, but interpretation of the rebellion has changed several times because of the increasing influence of ideology on the research of Soviet scientists. With the proclamation of Ukraine's Independence, it became possible to objectively cover these events, which led to a process of rethinking the scientific works of Soviet researchers. The presence of different approaches in covering this issue necessitates a detailed analysis of the transformations that took place in the interpretation of the Khotyn uprising. The article explores the specific features of the main approaches to the coverage of the Khotyn uprising in Soviet and contemporary Ukrainian scientific historical literature. It is established that in the 20th – 40th of the XX century the Khotyn uprising was reported as a spontaneous peasant rebellion against the Romanian invaders. According to the Representatives of this approach, one of the main causes of the defeat of uprising was the absence of a Bolshevik insurgency organisation. It is revealed that 50th of the XX century became a transitional period between the previous interpretation of the Khotyn uprising and the new coverage of events, as scientists still emphasized that the uprising was peasantry, but began to provide a significance to revolutionary elements among them. Since the 60th of the XX century the situation is changed: ideology has become a decisive element in research of the uprising and, therefore, all events related to the uprising have been covered in according to the ideology. Thus, the Khotyn uprising is reported as prepared by the communist-led committee, had a well-planned commencement and aimed at restoring Soviet power in the Khotyn region. It is established that with the proclamation of Ukraine's Independence in the coverage of the uprising, there are dramatic changes related to the nature and purpose of the uprising, the political orientations of its leaders, etc. In contemporary Ukrainian science, for example, the Bolshevik character of the uprising and the struggle for power of the Soviets is refuted; instead, the emphasis was made on national liberation; it was confirmed the thesis about the orientation of some of the organizers of the uprising to the Ukrainian People's Republic in Kiev. The neutrality of the UPR’s Directory is explained because of the threat of war with Romania. Keywords: Khotyn uprising, Soviet historiography, contemporary Ukrainian historiography.


2010 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
KENNETH GIBSON

The Protestant divine John Dury has long been identified as holding millenarian beliefs. However a closer reading of his apocalyptic commentaries and a more clearly defined use of terms reveals that Dury's apocalyptic beliefs are more complex than previously recognised. This article offers a detailed analysis of his preface to the European millenarian tract Clavis apocalyptica to demonstrate that apocalyptic and millenarian belief in the seventeenth century is in need of a careful reassessment.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document