scholarly journals ’The Trump Era is Here, and I Finally Feel at Home‘ – Sayed Kashua in Illinois

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 123-147
Author(s):  
Shiri Goren
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
White Privilege ◽  
The United States ◽  
Place Of Residence ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
American Counterpart ◽  
The Us ◽  
The One ◽  
Midwestern City ◽  
At Home

In early July 2014, the Israeli-Palestinian author Sayed Kashua declared in his popular Hebrew column in the Ha’aretz newspaper that he is done with Jerusalem, that he has moved to the United States for good and is never coming back. Despite this emotional statement and his decision to give up on Israel, Kashua continued to write his popular weekly column for over three years mostly from his new place of residence in the midwestern city of Champaign, in Illinois, a location vastly different from the Jerusalem he left behind. Using theories of migration and transnational writing to examine Kashua’s non-fictional Hebrew and English works during this period I argue that there is tension between the character Kashua assumes for his Israeli readership and the one he assumes when writing for an American audience. These fictional personae relate differently to the move to the US and the possibility of returning to Israel. Moreover, Kashuua’s Israeli persona continues to write from a minority position whereas his American counterpart, despite concerted efforts, cannot avoid identifying with white privilege. The article then traces the dissolution of Kashua’s dual personae to his decision in November 2017 to stop writing the weekly column.

The Democratic Deficit of United States Federalism? Red State, Blue State, Purple?

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 645-667
Author(s):  
Vicki C Jackson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Democratic Deficit ◽  
The Us ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Us Senate ◽  
The One ◽  
Over Time

Aspects of an entrenched constitution that were essential parts of founding compromises, and justified as necessary when a constitution was first adopted, may become less justifiable over time. Is this the case with respect to the structure of the United States Senate? The US Senate is hardwired in the Constitution to consist of an equal number of Senators from each state—the smallest of which currently has about 585,000 residents, and the largest of which has about 39.29 million. As this essay explains, over time, as population inequalities among states have grown larger, so too has the disproportionate voting power of smaller-population states in the national Senate. As a result of the ‘one-person, one-vote’ decisions of the 1960s that applied to both houses of state legislatures, each state legislature now is arguably more representative of its state population than the US Congress is of the US population. The ‘democratic deficit’ of the Senate, compared to state legislative bodies, also affects presidential (as compared to gubernatorial) elections. When founding compromises deeply entrenched in a constitution develop harder-to-justify consequences, should constitutional interpretation change responsively? Possible implications of the ‘democratic’ difference between the national and the state legislatures for US federalism doctrine are explored, especially with respect to the ‘pre-emption’ doctrine. Finally, the essay briefly considers the possibilities of federalism for addressing longer term issues of representation, polarisation and sustaining a single nation.

scholarly journals “Liberation” as a political horizon amidst the coronavirus pandemic in the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 314-317
Author(s):  
Nicholas Jon Crane ◽  
Zoe Pearson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Justice ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Police Violence ◽  
The One ◽  
At Home

Participants in diverging US-based protest waves during the coronavirus pandemic are invoking “liberation” as a political horizon. Especially visible are superficially libertarian protests against government “stay-at-home” orders, on the one hand, and, on the other, racial and economic justice organizing around uneven exposure to the deadly effects of the pandemic. Beginning in May 2020, the latter articulation of liberation was amplified by widespread protest against racist police violence. The coronavirus pandemic is putting into sharp relief the contradictions of “liberation” promoted by individualists and underscoring the urgency of organizing for emancipatory social solidarity.

scholarly journals Globalization of Ambitions. A Critical Analysis of Donald Trump’s National Security Strategy 2017

2017 ◽  
pp. 86-95
Author(s):  
N. P. Gribin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
At Home

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.”  The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime. Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.” In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength. The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence. In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”. Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.” The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”

Core Europe and the United States

2019 ◽  
pp. 129-150
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Extremism ◽  
The Us ◽  
The One ◽  
Democratic Elections

Core Europe and North America have often imagined themselves to be invulnerable to the Russian influence campaigns that have affected smaller, weaker countries in the lands in between. However, in recent years, that perception has broken down as Russia regularly hacks democratic elections in the West, sponsors extremists, spreads disinformation, and may have tipped the US 2016 presidential election to Donald Trump. The West now exhibits a similar politics to what we observe in the lands in between—with growing political extremism and polarization on the one hand and the rise of cynical power brokers on the other who seek to profit from both sides of an intensifying divide. Increasingly, democratic elections seem to pose a “civilizational choice” between the forces of liberal democracy and authoritarian nationalism on the Russian model.

International Migration as an Issue on Today's Inter-American Agenda

1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Migration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Labor Migrants ◽  
The Public ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The Us ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The One

As a frequent concern both of governments and of the public at large in Western Hemisphere nations, international migration is now more prominent than at any time since 1980. The episodic flow of seaborne refugees from Haiti since 1991 has been a key factor in spurring the inter-American community to oppose Haiti's military rulers. The flotilla of rafts leaving Cuba since early August 1994 has engendered high-profile negotiations on migration between Washington and Havana. The stream of undocumented labor migrants from Mexico to the United States has regained momentum since the late 1980s and is encountering increased public criticism, especially in the western United States.Underlying these instances of political tension is a strong, and only partially-met, demand for migration to the United States from parts of Latin America and the Caribbean on the one hand, and a growing anxiety in the US to “control the nation's borders” on the other.

scholarly journals Willfull Ignorance : Trump and the Failure of US Pandemic Response

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
Agastya Wardhana
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Willful Ignorance ◽  
Policy Problem ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Constant Feature ◽  
Pandemic Response ◽  
The One ◽  
Trump Administration

Respons terhadap COVID-19 dilakukan secara berbeda oleh negara di dunia, namun satu yang pasti adalah bahwa penanganan terhadap isu ini bergantung pada kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh negara. Hal ini dikarenakan COVID-19 tidak hanya merupakan permasalahan kesehatan tetapi juga permasalahan kebijakan. Dalam konteks ini, salah satu negara yang menjadi sorotan adalah Amerika Serikat. Sebagai negara yang memiliki berbagai keunggulan baik material maupun imaterial, Amerika Serikat tidak berhasil merespons COVID-19 dengan kebijakan yang tepat. Tulisan ini berangkat dari premis tersebut, bahwa parahnya pandemi COVID-19 di Amerika terjadi karena adanya kegagalan pemerintahan Trump untuk memformulasikan kebijakan respons yang tepat. Dalam menguraikan argumentasi tersebut, Tulisan ini terbagi dalam  tiga bagian, bagian pertama berisi kondisi umum COVID-19 di Amerika, bagian kedua berisi tentang analisis kegagalan pemerintahan Trump, dan bagian terakhir berisi simpulan serta pelajaran yang bisa kita ambil dari kegagalan penanganan COVID-19 di Amerika.Kata-kata Kunci: COVID-19, Amerika Serikat, Trump, Kegagalan, Ketidaktahuan yang disengaja Throughout the world, countries use different strategies to curb the COVID-19 spread. The one constant feature is that it is as much a policy problem as it is a medical one. The policy becomes increasingly important due to the infectious nature of the virus. Should a country failed to employ a working strategy, human lives are at stake. In this context, the United States became increasingly important to show that policy is essential to curb the virus. The United States had a vast array of resources ranging from medical experts to a well-prepared institution. Despite all that, the US is currently the worst country in the world in terms of the number of cases and death. This paper argues that this condition is the result of the Trump administration's failure to formulate a suitable and working strategy to curb the virus. The author will explore the argument in three sections. The first section gives a glimpse of COVID-19 in the US, the second section describes the US response to the virus, the third section explains the Trump administration failure, and the last part consists of the conclusion and lesson that we can learn from US failure.Keywords: COVID-19, United States, Trump, Failure, Willful Ignorance

scholarly journals Artificial Intelligence: Serving American Security and Chinese Ambitions

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-52
Author(s):  
H. Obeid ◽  
F Hillani, ◽  
R. Fakih ◽  
K. Mozannar
Keyword(s):  
Artificial Intelligence ◽  
United States ◽  
Technological Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Us ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Technological Strength

In recent years artificial intelligence has entered a new era, which gives rise to many hopes for powerful states such as the United States and China. In this paper, we analyze the importance and role of artificial intelligence in technological development in each of the two countries on the one hand, and its influence on China-American relations in terms of technological and geopolitical conflict. To get the right results, we rely on a literature review of dozens of articles published on the phenomenon in order to compare the power of artificial intelligence between the United States and China where we found that the US still has technological strength, especially in the field of artificial intelligence, but we can say that a large force is beginning pose a threat for it which is China that has great technological capabilities so, we can say that the United States should work more in this field. Also, we found that artificial intelligence has a primary goal in both countries, it helps China to achieve its ambitions to be the leader of the world, and this intelligence, on the other hand, provides protection and security to the United States. This paper is divided into three sections. The first section focuses on the importance of artificial intelligence in achieving China’s ambitions, the second section explains the role of artificial intelligence in the US protection service, and the third section describes the technological and geopolitical conflict resulting from the competition in artificial intelligence between these two countries. Keywords: Artificial intelligence, United States, China, Conflict, leader.

scholarly journals Democracy in America?

Federalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 142-168
Author(s):  
M. V. Gligich-Zolotareva ◽  
K. S. Kirjuhin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Democracy In America ◽  
The One ◽  
American Federalism ◽  
Political Decisions

It is officially known that democracy in the United States of America became the main idea more than two hundred years old. For a long time, it was considered the most progressive and standard for the whole world. But now people are increasingly asking questions about whether there really is a democracy in America. Is United States is really a democratic state? This article examines various aspects of the democratic structure of the state, including theoretical, historical and legal, as well as the current political situation in the United States. Based on the analysis of the US electoral legislation and the work of the American electoral system, it is concluded that, on the one hand, the citizens of the country are not guaranteed the exercise of their active and passive electoral rights. And on the other hand, key laws and political decisions are made without relying on the opinion of the citizens of the country, which does not allow us to classify such a way of governing the country as unambiguously democratic. The presidential election-2020, with its numerous violations and mass riots, was particularly criticized. To a large extent, this situation in the American electoral system is explained by fact, that the orientation of The Founding Fathers of the United States was not to ensure democratic governance of the country. They argued for strengthen American federalism, which reflected the complexity and archaic nature of the electoral system. Its allows us to conclude that neither formallyconstitutionally, nor in fact, the United States is not a democracy. The system of power that has historically developed in the United States is most accurately described by the term “oligarchy”, which generates a number of both political and constitutional-legal consequences.

New US policy will increase Taiwan Strait tension

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Term Limits ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
New Developments ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Senate ◽  
The One ◽  
High Level

Subject New developments in relations between Taiwan, China and the United States. Significance On February 28, the US Senate unanimously passed a bill, the Taiwan Travel Act, which -- when the president signs it into law -- will allow for high-level visits by government officials between Taiwan and the United States. China immediately criticised the measure, arguing that it undercut the ‘one-China’ principle on which China-US relations are based. China threatened vague retaliatory measures against Taiwan. Impacts China will ramp up pressure on Taiwan through military activities, such as airspace violations. Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen will lose support within her party as she resists calls to pursue formal independence from China. Chinese President Xi Jinping's removal of presidential term limits and other illiberal policies will deepen suspicion of China in Taiwan.

scholarly journals Markets: Beer in Germany and the United States

2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
William James Adams
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Concentration Ratio ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
The United States ◽  
Market Size ◽  
Technological Opportunity ◽  
American Experience ◽  
Beer Industry ◽  
American Counterpart ◽  
The One

Between 1950 and 2000, the four-firm producer-concentration ratio for beer increased from 22 to 95 in the United States; and Anheuser-Busch's share of domestic output ballooned from 6 to 54 percent. In Germany, concentration has risen, but it remains low. In 2000, the four-firm producer-concentration ratio was just 29; and the eight-firm ratio in Germany was smaller than the one-firm ratio in the United States. In 2005, after five years of important mergers involving big brewers, the German beer industry was still much less concentrated than its American counterpart. In this article, I discuss several candidate explanations for the failure of beer-producer-concentration to rise as much in Germany as in the United States: the relevance of the new technologies to German brewers, the preferences of German consumers, the rules for advertising on German television and other factors, largely absent from the consensus interpretation of American experience. I find that market structure depends on a remarkably broad range of factors, extending well beyond technological opportunity and market size.

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