Attachment to Facebook and the civic lives of minority college students in the United States

First Monday ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dalisay ◽  
Matthew Kushin ◽  
Masahiro Yamamoto ◽  
Yung-I Liu ◽  
Wayne Buente

A survey of minority college students attending an urban university in the U.S. Midwest was conducted to examine the links between emotional attachment to Facebook and levels along key civic indicators. Results suggested that minority college students’ emotional attachment to Facebook is positively associated with their off-line and online political participation, social trust, and neighborliness, but not with their off-line and online civic engagement. Also, the findings indicate moderate levels of emotional attachment to Facebook, off-line civic engagement, off-line political participation, and social trust, and low levels of online civic engagement and online political participation among minority college students.

Author(s):  
Chiara Pierobon

In the past two decades, scholars from a variety of disciplines have argued that post – communist civil society is weak and structurally deficient and is characterised by low levels of social trust, voluntary organisational membership, and public participation. This article intends to challenge this academic consensus by providing an in-depth analysis of civil society development in Kyrgyzstan, a country, whose non-profit sector has been described as the most vibrant and plentiful of the Central Asian region. To this scope, the article analyses the ways and extent to which the national and international environments have influenced the development trajectory of Kyrgyz civil society. Special emphasis is placed on the specific forms and manifestations of civic engagement characterising the non-profit sector of the selected country and on the strategies it has implemented to overcome its weaknesses and vulnerabilities. The paper sheds new light on factors and features that have contributed to the strengths of Kyrgyz civil society and which can be used to increase our understanding of civil society developments in other transition countries.


Author(s):  
J. Tobin Grant

Though church and state are constitutionally separated, religion and politics are often intertwined. As Alexis de Tocqueville wrote in his classic Democracy in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), the nation is both highly religious and unapologetically democratic. Some of the most effective political movements in the US political development included the active involvement of churches and religious communities. One reason is that churches and other religious communities in the United States often encourage civic engagement. Civic engagement is a broad concept that includes any activity aimed at changing society, government, or policy. Education and psychology often focus on civic activities such as volunteering or participating in a nonprofit organization. Political science and sociology often use the term “civic engagement” more narrowly to mean “political participation.” This would include activities whose aim is to affect political outcomes. Political participation includes voting, persuading others to vote, campaign contributions, working for a campaign, contacting or lobbying public officials, and protesting. A consistent empirical finding in the study of religion and civic life is that those who are involved in religion are more likely to be more civically engaged as voters, volunteers, and activists. Churches and other religious communities can become active as organizations. They can also increase the civic engagement of their adherents by mobilizing them, providing the skills to participate, or fostering democratic values. Political parties and candidates target religious voters to bring them into the political process. Studies of religion and civic engagement continue to examine the many ways religion affects civic engagement in the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-52
Author(s):  
Jamil Scott ◽  
Nadia Brown ◽  
Lorrie Frasure ◽  
Dianne Pinderhughes

While the candidate emergence literature has provided explanations as to why women do not run or think about running for office, we are still learning about the reasons why they do. This question is of interest for the political candidacy of Black women, as this group is most represented among women of color in political office and their numbers continue to grow. Furthermore, because there is evidence that Black women’s entry into politics is distinct from other groups, it is important to explore how Black women come to participate in politics. The authors examine the extent to which Black women’s level of civic engagement influences their likelihood of considering political office compared to other groups of women. They theorize that running for office is a form of political participation and that previous political activity can act as a predictor for political ambition. The authors explore the likelihood that civic engagement matters for Black women being asked to run and considering running for office on their own. Using data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), a unique dataset that provides a large and generalizable sample of racial and ethnic groups in the United States, the authors examine political ambition beyond the groups that have traditionally run for political office. In sum, our data indicates that political participation significantly predicts being asked to run and thinking about running for office. These results reveal the importance of thinking beyond the traditional candidacy pool and how sociopolitical factors matter for key determinants of seeking political office (being asked and having considered running).


Author(s):  
Guanghua Han ◽  
Simin Yan

This paper studies the impacts of food safety risk perception on the different dimensions of governmental trust. A logistic regression model was constructed based on the multidimensional analysis of government trust (i.e., competence, benevolence and honesty) with food safety risk perception, economic growth, combating corruption, social trust, political participation and demographic characteristics as explanatory variables. The main findings are that respondents with low levels of food risk perception, high political participation and a positive evaluation of economic growth and anti-corruption performance show high levels of trust in government competence, benevolence and honesty. Social trust has a spillover effect, which has a significant impact on government competence and benevolence but has no significant impact on the honesty of the government, which reflects the distinction between different dimensions of the public’s trust in their government. Highly educated people have low levels of trust in government competence, high levels of trust in government benevolence, and no significant impact on the judgment of government honesty. In general, the public speak lowly of the status of food safety and have limited interest in political participation. The government is better to strengthen food safety supervision and develop social capital to further enhance the public’s governmental trust.


2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph L. Klesner

Political values have impact when they shape political participation. A comparison of political participation rates of Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, and the general U.S. population reveals that participation is highest among the general U.S. population, lowest among Mexicans, and at intermediate rates among Mexican-Americans. The article explores the attitudinal bases of political participation, finding that political engagement is a strong predictor of participation, while general perspectives on the political regime do not shape participation rates. The strongest predictors of political participation are variables generally grouped under the category social capital: involvement in non-political organizations, social trust, and an avoidance of television. Because Mexicans and Mexican-Americans have lower levels of social capital, political participation is lower among those groups than the general U.S. population. Yet, there remain unexplained differences in participation among the three groups that can be attributed to institutional and historical constraints on political involvement in Mexico and among Mexican-Americans. Los valores polííticos tienen impacto cuando contribuyen a formar la participacióón políítica. Una comparacióón de las tasas de participacióón políítica de mexicanos, mexicano-americanos y la poblacióón general estadounidense revela que la participacióón máás alta se da en la poblacióón general estadounidense, la máás baja en los mexicanos, y el nivel intermedio en los mexicano-americanos. El artíículo explora las bases de las actitudes en la participacióón políítica, encontrando que el involucramiento políítico es un fuerte indicador de la participacióón, mientras que las perspectivas generales sobre el réégimen políítico no forman tasas de participacióón. Los pronóósticos máás fiables de participacióón políítica son las variables generalmente agrupadas bajo la categoríía de capital social: participacióón en organizaciones no polííticas, confianza social, y la anulacióón de la televisióón. Dado que los mexicanos y los mexicano-americanos tienen niveles máás bajos de capital social, la participacióón políítica es inferior entre estos grupos que en la poblacióón general estadounidense. No obstante, hay aúún diferencias no explicadas de la participacióón en los tres grupos que pueden ser atribuidas a restricciones institucionales e históóricas sobre la participacióón políítica en Mééxico y entre los mexicano-americanos.


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