Destined to Run?

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-52
Author(s):  
Jamil Scott ◽  
Nadia Brown ◽  
Lorrie Frasure ◽  
Dianne Pinderhughes

While the candidate emergence literature has provided explanations as to why women do not run or think about running for office, we are still learning about the reasons why they do. This question is of interest for the political candidacy of Black women, as this group is most represented among women of color in political office and their numbers continue to grow. Furthermore, because there is evidence that Black women’s entry into politics is distinct from other groups, it is important to explore how Black women come to participate in politics. The authors examine the extent to which Black women’s level of civic engagement influences their likelihood of considering political office compared to other groups of women. They theorize that running for office is a form of political participation and that previous political activity can act as a predictor for political ambition. The authors explore the likelihood that civic engagement matters for Black women being asked to run and considering running for office on their own. Using data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), a unique dataset that provides a large and generalizable sample of racial and ethnic groups in the United States, the authors examine political ambition beyond the groups that have traditionally run for political office. In sum, our data indicates that political participation significantly predicts being asked to run and thinking about running for office. These results reveal the importance of thinking beyond the traditional candidacy pool and how sociopolitical factors matter for key determinants of seeking political office (being asked and having considered running).

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips

Chapter 1 begins by presenting an overview of the vicissitudes of descriptive representation in state legislatures for women and men from the four largest racial groups in the United States, from 1996 to 2015. The chapter then previews the book’s main finding: factors related to representation and candidate emergence, such as the relationship between district populations and descriptive representatives or political ambition, are shaped by race and gender simultaneously. To account for the persistence of underrepresentation among women and minorities, Chapter 1 then advances the intersectional model of electoral opportunity. The model accounts for external and internal, multilevel pressures that constrain and facilitate the realistic candidacy opportunities for white women, white men, men of color, and women of color. The chapter closes by discussing the necessity of studying Asian American women and men, and Latinas and Latinos, in order to better understand representation in a nation shaped by immigration and immigrant communities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Stout

AbstractWhile a number of studies demonstrate that black candidates have the ability to increase black political participation, a growing literature is investigatingwhydescriptive representation matters. This paper contributes to this discussion by exploring whether perceptions of candidate traits play a mediating role between the presence of an African American candidate on the ballot and increases in black political activity. I test this trait hypothesis using data from the 1992–2012 American National Election Study, a survey experiment, and statistical mediation analysis. The results indicate that perceptions of black candidates as being better leaders, more empathetic, knowledgeable, intelligent, honest, and moral explain a substantial amount of why descriptive representation increases black political participation across a range of different political activities. In the conclusion, I discuss the importance of the psychological link between blacks and their co-racial representatives in inspiring higher levels of political participation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 110 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICHOLAS CARNES ◽  
ERIC R. HANSEN

If politicians in the United States were paid better, would more middle- and working-class people become politicians? Reformers often argue that the low salaries paid in state and local governments make holding office economically infeasible for lower-income citizens and contribute to the enduring numerical under-representation of the working class in our political institutions. Of course, raising politicians’ salaries could also make political office more attractive to affluent professionals, increasing competition for office and ultimately discouraging lower-income citizens from running and winning. In this article, we test these hypotheses using data on the salaries and economic backgrounds of state legislators. Contrary to the notion that paying politicians more promotes economic diversity, we find that the descriptive representation of the working class is the same or worse in states that pay legislators higher salaries. These findings have important implications for research on descriptive representation, political compensation, and political inequality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Gagné ◽  
Gerry Veenstra

<p>A growing body of research from the United States informed by intersectionality theory indicates that racial identity, gender, and income are often entwined with one another as determinants of health in unexpectedly complex ways. Research of this kind from Canada is scarce, however. Using data pooled from ten cycles (2001- 2013) of the Canadian Community Health Survey, we regressed hypertension (HT) and diabetes (DM) on income in subsamples of Black women (n = 3,506), White women (n = 336,341), Black men (n = 2,806) and White men (n = 271,260). An increase of one decile in income was associated with lower odds of hypertension and diabetes among White men (ORHT = .98, 95% CI (.97, .99); ORDM = .93, 95% CI (.92, .94)) and White women (ORHT = .95, 95% CI (.95, .96); ORDM = .90, 95% CI (.89, .91)). In contrast, an increase of one decile in income was not associated with either health outcome among Black men (ORHT = .99, 95% CI (.92, 1.06); ORDM = .99, 95% CI (.91, 1.08)) and strongly associated with both outcomes among Black women (ORHT = .86, 95% CI (.80, .92); ORDM = .83, 95% CI (.75, .92)). Our findings highlight the complexity of the unequal distribution of hypertension and diabetes, which includes inordinately high risks of both outcomes for poor Black women and an absence of associations between income and both outcomes for Black men in Canada. These results suggest that an intersectionality framework can contribute to uncovering health inequalities in Canada.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis.</em>2017;27(4):371-378; doi:10.18865/ ed.27.4.371. </p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennie Sweet-Cushman

In the United States, women have long held the right to vote and can participate fully in the political process, and yet they are underrepresented at all levels of elected office. Worldwide, men’s dominance in the realm of politics has also been the norm. To date, scholars have focused on supply-side and demand-side explanations of women’s underrepresentation but differences in how men and women assess electoral risk (the risk involved in seeking political office) are not fully explained. To fill this gap, I explore how evolutionary theory offers insights into gendered differences in political ambition and the evaluation of electoral risk. Using the framework of life-history theory, I hypothesize that both cognitive and environmental factors in human evolution, particularly as they relate to sexual selection and social roles, have shaped the psychology of ambition in gendered ways affecting contemporary politics. Cognitive risk-assessment mechanisms evolving in the hominid line came to be expressed differently in females and males, in women and men. These gendered expressions plausibly reflect differentiable environmental pressures in the past and may help explain behaviors in and barriers to women’s electoral political activity in the present. If so, then the success of efforts to increase such activity — or, regressively, to suppress it — may be better understood.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-142
Author(s):  
Kristin Wylie

Traditional gender roles, gendered political institutions and resource inequities disincentivise women’s participation in formal politics. This article analyses the Brazilian case – where women comprise 9.2 per cent of federal legislators elected since 1994 – to illustrate the centrality of resources in shaping candidate emergence. I examine how entrepreneurial elections, which incentivise intra-party competition and expensive campaigns, have sustained white men’s dominance in Brazilian political institutions and deterred white and Afro-Brazilian women’s political ambition. Using the latest data on campaign finance in Brazilian legislative elections, I explain how recent campaign finance reforms and a series of injustices provoking women’s emotive power yielded important resources catalysing the candidacies of women, especially Black women. The findings suggest that defraying campaign costs offers a potent mechanism for levelling the playing field, and remind us that women’s political ambition is shaped by their ‘relationally embedded’ risk assessment, constrained in no small part by the masculinised ethos of party politics.


2011 ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian S. Krueger

While more is probably known about the causes of political participation than any other political behavior, the research program suffers in that it generally assumes citizens operate within an unproblematic surveillance context. This chapter argues that the growing use of the Internet for political participation and the government’s expanded electronic surveillance capacities make this assumption increasingly dubious. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s insights concerning surveillance and resistance, I develop empirical hypotheses related to surveillance and Internet political participation. Testing these hypotheses using data derived from a unique probability sample survey of U.S. Internet users, surveillance is shown to influence online political activity. Those who oppose the current administration, and who perceive the government monitors their Internet behavior, participate in politics online at the highest rates. Next, I test whether perceptions of online surveillance lead to a similar higher probability of conventional offline political activity. The results suggest that for those opposed to the regime’s policies, online surveillance increases the likelihood of engagement in offline political participation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Amanda Friesen ◽  
Mirya R. Holman

Abstract Risk aversion dampens political participation and heightens religiosity, with concentrated effects among women. Yet, little is known about how intersecting identities moderate these psychological correlates of religiosity and political engagement. In this paper, we theorize that the risk-religion-politics relationship is gendered and racialized. Using a nationally representative survey, we show that political participation is more strongly correlated with risk for Black women than for any other race-gender group. For religiosity, however, we find little evidence that risk is related to religiosity among Black women, while highly correlated with white women's religious engagement. For men—whether Black or white—risk exhibits a modest, positive relationship with their religiosity. Our results speak to the importance of considering intersectionality and race-gender identities in evaluations of religious and political activities in the United States.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Silva ◽  
Carrie Skulley

The number of women seeking congressional office in the United States has dramatically increased since 1980. Previous research on women candidates explores why women run, but new research on candidate emergence shows that women face different challenges and advantages based on their race and ethnicity. We investigate these differences by disaggregating data on women’s candidate emergence by race and ethnicity to examine how these theories work when explicitly considering race and ethnicity. We focus our examination on women running in House primaries between 1980 and 2012. We argue that theories of candidate emergence are conditional to the racial and/or ethnic identification of the candidate. We employ a cross-sectional time series analysis with the intuition that examining congressional elections over time will allow us to make general comments about the participation of women in congressional elections. We find that many of the conditions thought necessary for women’s emergence as candidates are contextual and temporally specific. Moreover, conditions that encourage women to run do not necessarily apply to women of color.


First Monday ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dalisay ◽  
Matthew Kushin ◽  
Masahiro Yamamoto ◽  
Yung-I Liu ◽  
Wayne Buente

A survey of minority college students attending an urban university in the U.S. Midwest was conducted to examine the links between emotional attachment to Facebook and levels along key civic indicators. Results suggested that minority college students’ emotional attachment to Facebook is positively associated with their off-line and online political participation, social trust, and neighborliness, but not with their off-line and online civic engagement. Also, the findings indicate moderate levels of emotional attachment to Facebook, off-line civic engagement, off-line political participation, and social trust, and low levels of online civic engagement and online political participation among minority college students.


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