scholarly journals Islam and the State in the Indonesian Experience

ICR Journal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144
Author(s):  
Bahtiar Effendy

This article analyses the source and nature of Islam-state relations, and the efforts made to find a viable synthesis between them. Like many other Muslim countries, Indonesia encountered difficulties in the attempt to establish a synthesis between Islamic political thought and the notion of a secular state. The author makes an important yet often neglected observation, that not all Indonesian Muslims support the politicisation of Islam and that the level and magnitude of support for ideological and symbolical Islam is relatively low in Indonesia. In order to find a middle way for the Indonesian setting in the post-Soeharto period, he argues in favour of a ‘partial accommodation’ of moderate Muslim concerns as a viable option for a more enduring relationship between Islam and the state.  

Author(s):  
Aurelian Craiutu

This chapter examines political moderation in Benjamin Constant's political thought, with particular emphasis on his search for a “neutral power” that would function as a moderating device, keeping the ship of the state on an even keel. It begins with a commentary on Constant's enigmatic personality before turning to his lesser-known political writings from 1795 to 1799 as well as his better-known works written during the First Empire and the Bourbon Restoration. It then considers the rhetoric of an “extreme center” in the context of moderation as well as Constant's notion of the middle way during the Directory. It also explores Constant's ideas on limited sovereignty and individual liberty, along with his theory of representative government based on the concept of pouvoir modérateur.


Author(s):  
Roel Meijer

Saudi Arabia’s counter-terrorism strategy of the first decade on the twenty first century has been widely acclaimed as highly successful and presented as an example for other Muslim countries. The strategy was developed after the bomb attacks of AlQaida on the Arabian Peninsula in 2003. The program is however deeply religious and is based on the reconversion of terrorists from a Jihadi-Salafism to a quietist and law abiding version of Salafism. The chapter goes into the religious terminology Saudi counter-terrorism program by labelling terrorism as religious “deviation,” radicals as people who have been led by their “passions” and are no longer rational and have diverted form the “middle way”. The article also shows how prominent religious scholars have become deeply involved in the state counter-terrorism program of “intellectual security”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-349
Author(s):  
M Munawar

This paper is based on a literature study that aims to examine the relevance and implementation of Islamic politics in the political arena of Indonesia, the majority of which are Muslims. The results of the study concluded that in the era of 70s emerged ??Nurcholish Madjid's idea that "Islam YES, Islamic party NO" and it had established a new awareness for Muslims on the desired goal which is not idealism about the establishment of an Islamic State, but a just and prosperous society. Islam is no longer seen as a symbolic structure, but rather the spirit of values ??that are brought and developed in the life of the state. Efforts to articulate Islamic politics in Indonesia are important issues that need to be addressed to provide a possible synthesis between Islam and the State, therefore the study of Islamic political thought that is unique to Indonesia is not only attractive but urgent to do. In line with the conclusions above, it is expected that this paper can trigger students, especially those who choose the Department of Siyasah Jinayah so that Islamic political thought not only be a mere discourse but should be more focused on the aspect of its implementation to move towards a more advanced Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
HAFIJUR RAHMAN

This research addresses the approaches of contemporary Muslim more specifically Islamist intellectuals to the concept of the state. To analyze their approaches, this paper will discuss all of the three stages of Modern Islamic political thought, namely; Pan Islamism, Islamism and, Post-Islamism. Within this three stages which are referred the time frame of developing Modern Islamic Political Thought, this paper will address the concept of state in the thought of Jamal Uddin Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Abul Al’a Maududi, Hassan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, Malik Bennabi, Hassan al-Turabi, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, and Rachid al-Ghannouchi. The aim of this paper is to analyze the concept of the state of mentioned intellectuals based on two important research questions; firstly, what was the main perspective of their thought and secondly, what was their stand to accept the concept of Modern state. This research is a qualitative form of research based on primary and secondary data. Primary data will be collected from the literature of mentioned intellectuals and secondary data will be collected from the literature which is written by others on their thought. To collect both types of data, this research used books, articles, websites, and libraries. It is hoped that this research will contribute significantly to Academia by analyzing their approaches to the concept of the state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 307
Author(s):  
Robitul Firdaus

Abstract In the study of Islamic political thought, the relation between Islam and nationalism has been a relevant topic to be discussed. This is at least due to two factors. Firstly, there is a concept of ummah in Islam which is considered in contrary with the ideology of nationalism. While ummah is characterized with the solidarity in the name of faith, nationalism is of nationality and geographical borders. Secondly, nationalism and nation state have become a reality accepted by all modern states, including Muslim states. Accordingly, it is assumed that being a loyal Muslim and a good citizen at the same time is impossible. This article is aimed at offering an interface between nationalism and ummah by adopting the positive sides of both. To place nationalism and ummah in a binary opposition is not useful and against the reality. As a result, it is concluded that nationalism can be an asset to achieve the unity and cooperation, particularly in the struggle for independence. However, nationalism can also be a narrow ideology which leads to the negative fanaticism. In this context, the sentiment of ummah can be used as a religious guidance in minimazing and preventing the practice of narrow nationalism. The concept of ummah ensures that a religious bond should be respected besides the bond which is based on the territorial border. On the other hand, nationalism could prevent the sentiment of ummah from falling to religious extremism. Finally, the interface between nationalism and ummah may be applied differently among various Muslim countries.       Keywords: Nationalism, Ummah, and Nation State.   Abstrak Dalam studi pemikiran politik Islam, relasi antara Islam dan nasionalisme menjadi topik yang masih menarik untuk didiskusikan. Hal ini setidaknya disebabkan oleh dua hal: Pertama, terdapat konsep ummah dalam doktrin Islam yang diyakini berseberangan dengan ide nasionalisme. Ummah meniscayakan solidaritas atas dasar keimanan, sedang nasionalisme mendasarkan pada faktor kebangsaan dan batasan geografis. Kedua, nasionalisme dan negara bangsa merupakan realitas yang dipraktekkan di semua negara modern, termasuk negara-negara Muslim. Sehingga timbul anggapan bahwa tidak mungkin seorang Muslim yang baik dapat sekaligus menjadi warga negara yang baik. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menawarkan titik temu antara konsep nasionalisme dan ummah dengan mengambil sisi positif dari keduanya. Meletakkan nasionalisme dan ummah dalam posisi yang bertentangan selain tidak produktif juga bertentangan dengan realitas yang ada. Hasil studi ini menyimpulkan bahwa nasionalisme dapat menjadi modal dalam menuju persatuan dan kerja sama, terutama kaitannya dalam perjuangan kemerdekaan. Meskipun, nasionalisme di sisi lain juga dapat menjadi ideologi sempit yang mengarah pada fanatisme negatif. Di sinilah, sentimen ummah dapat digunakan untuk menjadi panduan agama dalam meminimalisasi dan mencegah praktek nasionalisme sempit. Konsep ummah memastikan bahwa terdapat ikatan keagamaan yang harus dihormati selain ikatan berdasar batasan teritorial. Di sisi lain, nasionalisme mencegah sentimen ummah untuk terjerumus ke dalam ektrimisme agama. Akhirnya, batasan kerjasama dan titik temu antara nasionalisme dan ummah mungkin diaplikasikan berbeda-beda antara satu negara Muslim dengan yang lain. Kata Kunci: Nasionalisme, Ummah, dan Negara Bangsa.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Rumadi Rumadi

One of crucial issues in Muslim countries, such as Indonesia, is relation between religion and the state. Even though Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution were claimed final, but it did not necessarily mean that position of religion, state and human rights is final and clear.  The negotiation between religion, state and human rights not only on political forum like at The House of Representative, but also in Constitutional Court  session. There are debates and opinion contestations. The problem is what is the politics of law accommodation towards religious aspirations, which the Constitutional Court has built through its decisions and arguments? Through analysis on two issues: 1) freedom of religion and belief; and 2) marriage law, this article argues that Constitutional Court’s decision, especially relation between religion, state and human rights not only based on law consideration, but also on non-law consideration. Regarding private law, the Constitutional Court opened a fairly wide accommodation, so that more religious aspects would be accommodated by the state even with limited reforms. The limit of accommodation is an Islamic criminal law that cannot be made exclusively for Muslims. The accommodation of Islamic criminal law is only possible if the norms are incorporated into the national criminal law through a process of rational objectification. Based on this argument, continuous negotiation and contestation between religion, state and human rights will go on since Indonesia is not a religious state, which is based only on one religion, nor a secular state, which does not consider religion at all.Salah satu isu krusial di negara Muslim, tidak terkecuali Indonesia, adalah relasi agama dan negara. Meskipun Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 dinyatakan final, namun bukan berarti kedudukan agama, negara, dan hak asasi manusia sudah final dan jelas. Perundingan antara agama, negara dan hak asasi manusia tidak hanya di forum politik seperti di Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPR), tapi juga di sidang Mahkamah Konstitusi. Ada perdebatan dan kontestasi pendapat. Persoalannya, bagaimana politik akomodasi hukum terhadap aspirasi agama yang dibangun Mahkamah Konstitusi melalui putusan dan dalilnya? Melalui analisis terhadap dua isu: 1) kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan; dan 2) hukum perkawinan, pasal ini berpendapat bahwa putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi khususnya hubungan antara agama, negara dan hak asasi manusia tidak hanya berdasarkan pertimbangan hukum, tetapi juga pertimbangan non hukum. Terkait hukum privat, Mahkamah Konstitusi membuka akomodasi yang cukup luas, sehingga lebih banyak aspek keagamaan yang diakomodasi oleh negara meski dengan reformasi yang terbatas. Batasan akomodasi adalah hukum pidana Islam yang tidak dapat dibuat secara eksklusif untuk Muslim. Akomodasi hukum pidana Islam hanya dimungkinkan jika norma-norma tersebut dimasukkan ke dalam hukum pidana nasional melalui proses objektifikasi yang rasional. Berdasarkan argumen ini, negosiasi dan kontestasi yang terus menerus antara agama, negara dan hak asasi manusia akan terus berlangsung karena Indonesia bukanlah negara agama yang hanya didasarkan pada satu agama, bukan pula negara sekuler, yang sama sekali tidak mempertimbangkan agama.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-77
Author(s):  
Abu Bakar

Abstract: this article explains the political thought of Kahar Muzakkar. Kahar Muzakkar proclaimed his Islamic state with the name of Republik Persatuan Islam Indonesia (RPII) on 14 of May 1962 which is a realization of his Islamic political thought. Kahar Muzakkar wanted a federal state and positioned sharia as the state foundation. In addition to sharia, Kahar Muzakkar viewed that social justice and democracy were potential concepts that workable for his Islamic federal state. Concerning executive system, he opted for presidential system in which his Islamic federal state was to be led by a president directly elected by people with members of cabinet. Legislative body was also to be formed which would consist of Nation Assembly and the senate. Similar arrangement would be applied for states. Kahar Muzakkar believed that this model would save human civilization. He called this as Demokrasi Sejati in which the ultimate authority is God. God’s law is applicable for all aspects of life as has been revealed in the Quran and Hadith Key words: kahar Muzakkar, Islamic Political Thought, Demokrasi Sejati


2019 ◽  
pp. 107-129
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.امل هندي كاطع ◽  
م.د.اياد حسين

The political movements of Islam are among the most prominent phenomena of the popular uprisings witnessed by the Arab world. However, this rise and the rise of some movements led to many problems on the political theses of Islam, especially those associated with the ideas of Islamic ideologues and their slogan Legitimacy and the authorities as the origin of the divine, and said the application to achieve the Islamic solution, and then became the state in theses of some Islamists a tool to apply the law and then the preservation of religion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 349-359
Author(s):  
Massimo Campanini

The Arab revolts of 2011 raised new questions regarding democracy. On the one hand, a new kind of democracy is apparently born: the democracy of the multitude. On the other, Islam has been a major actor in the Arab revolts and presumably will play a growing role in the future. The article investigates if there is a new political model put forward by the foreseeable Islamic developments of the revolts. If we take for granted that there is not only one kind of democracy and that there is much more space for Islamic organizations in the present and future political arena of the Muslim countries, then it will not sound like a heresy to ask whether there is an Islamic way to democracy. In order to demonstrate this original point of view, it is necessary to deal with the principles of Islamic political thought. The Arab revolts promise to renew and update these principles. The article will try to peruse this revision from the point of view of Antonio Gramsci and his theory of hegemony.


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