Message to President Paul Biya of Cameroon

2018 ◽  
pp. 357-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abubakar Shekau

(5 JANUARY 2015) [Trans.: Abdulbasit Kassim] In this video, Shekau addressed the government and people of Cameroon for the first time. This video was released several months after the President of Cameroon vowed to wipe out Boko Haram, following the abduction and subsequent release of ten foreigners and seventeen Cameroonian hostages, including the wife of Amadou Ali, the country’s deputy prime minister. Shekau here threatens Paul Biya with a fate like his Nigerian counterpart....

Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.


Significance The election for the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, will be the second since the constitution was revised in 2011. This specified that the leader of the party winning the largest number of seats should be given the first opportunity to form a government. The revision led to the moderate Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party (PJD), leading the government for the first time after its victory in the November 2011 poll. Impacts The election will focus attention on contentious reforms to pensions, subsidies and the education system. The months ahead will be dominated by speculation about party alliances and the likely shape of a future coalition government. The palace seems ready to accept a second term for Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane, but is also keen to see PAM within government.


Subject Borisov’s third administration. Significance The government approved by parliament on May 4 is Prime Minister Boyko Borisov’s third since 2009. It is the first time his Citizens for Bulgaria’s European Development (GERB) party has joined in formal coalition with United Patriots (OB), a bloc comprising three nationalist parties. Two OB leaders, Krasimir Karakachanov and Valery Simeonov, are deputy prime ministers, but only the former combines this position with a portfolio (defence). OB’s third and most controversial leader -- Ataka party leader Volen Siderov, noted previously for rabid anti-NATO and pro-Putin statements -- has no formal government role. Impacts GERB has reaffirmed its domination of Bulgarian politics with minimal concessions to its formal coalition partners. The spectre of increased Russian influence over Bulgarian politics that worried some EU partners has seemingly dissipated. A firmer line against migration is likely as a sop to OB, but meaningful reform of the judiciary will again be strenuously avoided. Sofia’s worries about Turkey and the Western Balkans and its forthcoming EU presidency may make it more amenable to EU influence and advice.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-203
Author(s):  
Stephen Peplow

Prime Minister Robert Peel was forced to resign in 1846 over the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Far from being a relatively unimportant piece of agricultural legislation, the Corn Laws, and their continuance, formed part of the ideology of the Conservative Party of the time. By proposing to Repeal the Corn Laws, Sir Robert was attacking the beliefs on which his party had won victory in the 1841 General Election. The result was a serious split within the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws. The majority of Conservatives voted against their own government, while 114 ‘Peelite’ Conservatives voted with Peel and the government. Why those particular Conservative Members decided to split away from their colleagues has been the subject of a large amount of research, mostly with ‘demand-side’ models which assume that the MP is little more than a mouthpiece for constituency interests. Peel's 1845 motion, a year before Repeal, to increase the yearly grant to the Irish Catholic seminary at Maynooth created very large controversy, and a backbench rebellion in which half of his own party voted against the government. As with Repeal, Maynooth passed only because the Opposition party decided to side with the government. This article uses principal component analysis and a classification tree analysis for the first time to show that while Conservative Members were voting with constituency interests in mind, their previous voting record over Maynooth is an overlooked and important predictor.


Res Publica ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-32
Author(s):  
Jean-Luc Dehaene

The position of the Belgian prime minister (PM) is hardly mentioned in the Belgian Constitution. lt was only after almost 140 years, in 1970 he was mentioned for the first time. lts power is rather a matter of common law. Since 1831 through the years, the position and power of the PM changed strongly. This often happened together with changes concerning the power of the King: the weaker the King, the stronger the PM.The existence of coalition governments puts forward bis role as coordinator and even as arbitrator, whereas the federalisation process since the seventies places him as a conciliator between Regions and Communities. The growing importance of the European Council of Head of States have made him the most important decision-maker among the national politicians in the European integration process. The PM's skills concerning timing and agendasetting are very important because it is one of his most important power instruments. Other key skills are bis profound knowledge in certain issues but mostly as a generalist, his insisting on good minister nominations by the party leaders, the way he can motivate his cabinet members, a good team spirit among the government members and the existence of a clear government contract. In order to avoid a strongdependency on or tutelage from the political parties of the majority it is important to have their top politicians in the government.


1989 ◽  
Vol 29 (269) ◽  
pp. 143-144

Mr. Cornelio Sommaruga, President of the ICRC, Mr. Michel Convers, head of the ICRC's Operational Support Department and Mr. Andreas Lendorff, head of its General Relief Division, were in Brussels from 8 to 11 February to take part in celebrations to mark the 125th anniversary of the Belgian Red Cross and to meet representatives of the Belgian Government and the European Community.The National Society's 125th anniversary ceremony took place on 9 February in the presence of Their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians, members of the Government and the diplomatic corps, representatives of other National Societies and 2,000 Belgian Red Cross volunteers. Speeches were made by H.R.H. Prince Albert of Belgium, who is President of the National Society, Mr. Cornelio Sommaruga, Mr. Mario Villarroel Lander, President of the League, and the Belgian Deputy Prime Minister.


Author(s):  
Gerald Tapuka

For the first time in the history of Cameroon, it is facing a conflict that can be compared to no other one. The Boko Haram conflict has not just posed so much difficulty to the population and the government but especially media men and women who are always looking for information to feed the public. It is further complicated because journalists in Cameroon do not have a mastery of Peace Journalism, or conflict sensitive journalism or conflict management and resolution. In this light, they have all dived into the matter with much focus on recounting just the story on the ground, counting the victims and use the war to gain notoriety. They have neither work in favor of pacific resolution of the conflict nor promoting alternatives to the use of force but have been either been embedded in the military’s version of the story while depending so much on the official phase of it and on second hand information. This paper argues that in the communication of the Boko Haram conflict the Cameroonian media have proven to follow the official version in its practice of Straight Journalism, War Journalism and Embedded with very little effort in Peace Journalism.


Author(s):  
Iqbal Maulana Yuni RosLaili

The implementation of the Islamic Law in Aceh received recognition from the Government of Indonesia since 1959 based on the Decree of the Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Indonesia No. 1 / Missi / 1959. Since then until the enactment of the BAL in 2006, several aspects of national law have become different in Aceh. This then sparked controversy, especially regarding the position of Non-Muslims and religious freedom. This article tries to explain how the application of Islamic Law in Aceh in relation to the Non-Muslim population and its solution. The study found that the relationship between Muslims and Non-Muslims in Aceh, especially in the social aspects of society, took place harmoniously. The application of Islamic Law in Aceh only applies to Muslims and there is no coercion for Non-Muslims. In this case, according to the author, it also offers the concept of "Conducted by Waliya Dien" in addressing religious plurality in Aceh, and the attitude of making Pancasila as "Kalimatun Sawa’ in the corridors of living in a state.


Subject Russian Naval doctrine Significance The Russian navy's next-generation reconnaissance ships, the Admiral Yury Ivanov-class, are capable of locating gaps in the US Aegis sea-based missile defence system, German newspaper Bild reported on August 6. The first ship was delivered to the fleet on July 26, Russia's Navy Day, at a ceremony attended by President Vladimir Putin and Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, who oversees Russia's military-industrial sector. On the same day the government also released a revised Maritime Doctrine updating the original 2001 text, (revised slightly in 2011). The government is now developing new maritime legislation on the basis of the doctrine. Impacts The new doctrine more explicitly describes NATO as a threat to Russia than previous published military doctrines. Russia's military has reversed its planned East Asia pivot to reinforce its western and northern fronts with NATO. Russia will remain primarily a regional naval power for at least the next decade.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302199914
Author(s):  
Jean-Thomas Martelli

This ethnographic account chronicles the journey of one of the largest anti-government protests since India’s independence. It examines the pivotal role of students—initially activists and then first-time participants—in crystallizing challenges to the ruling dispensation, not only by opposing it directly, but through subverting its way of claiming representation. More specifically, it is the strategic reuse of the pervasive anti-institutional and anti-elite discourse at the top—while replacing its majoritarianism with inclusiveness—that enabled protesters to disembody the populist modality of the current Indian Prime Minister. Protesters’ short-lived success was achieved through an enactment of the popular, embodied in a diffused fashion by faceless, peaceful and feminized protesting masses. The popular successfully appropriated the claim to be the people through invoking a ‘derivative’ nationalist repertoire in part shared by the government, emptying its anti-minorities subtext through appropriating floating signifiers of patriotic belonging such as the Indian constitution, the flag and the anthem. By engaging on how relatively small communities of politicized students used the campus ecology and its neighbouring spaces as territorial and ideational nodal points for the mobilization of less politicized cohorts, the article underlines their significance in the political articulation of dissent in contemporary Indian democracy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document