scholarly journals Indonesia's role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in Assisting the Resolution of Conflict in Afghanistan for the 2019-2020 Period

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Khoirunnisa Jubaidi ◽  
Maisarti Razali Budiman

Indonesia has been elected for the fourth time to become a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Indonesia with its free and active foreign policy is entrusted with this position. Indonesia will serve during the 2019-2020 period. Indonesia has done a lot for world peace in accordance with the 1945 Constitution and with its free and active political principles. The author wants to see the role of Indonesia in its membership in the UNSC in helping to bring about peace in conflicting countries, in this case Afghanistan. However, the long conflict between the United States and the Taliban can be contained and resolved properly. The UN Security Council has the responsibility for this, and Indonesia takes part in it. How Indonesia makes policies and takes a role as a member of the International Organization Agency, who has this sizeable responsibility. By using the theory of Conflict Resolution and international organizations as an analysis tool, the author will discuss Indonesia's role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in resolving the conflict in Afghanistan in 2019-2020. Keywords: Role, conflict, Peace

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Afandi Sitamala

The overall objective underlying the establishment of the UN Security Council was to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war” (Preamble to the UN Charter) which used as the official campaign by the Indonesia Foreign Ministry, Indonesia stated itself as ‘A True Partner for World Peace’. By that, Indonesia expresses the gravity of its membership by aiming towards ascertaining collaborations between the regional organizations in maintaining stability in the regional area (ASEAN). Indonesia’s goals for bridging UNSC hegemony on the global level and bringing the stability of the ASEAN area is going to be effortful. The challenge of establishing the UN resolution as a legal instrument in municipal law becomes one of the biggest challenges. The two years of tenure also grow into a barrier toward Indonesian contributions. This study aims to analyze Indonesia role as the non-permanent member of UNSC globally and in the ASEAN Region. The final results were presented in a descriptive manner, which gives an overview of how Indonesia’s role in the UNSC, and how Indonesia’s aimed toward synergized ASEAN.


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 51-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Chesterman

The U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 has been the subject of much discussion for its impact on the use of force outside of UN Security Council authorization. Less commented upon is the fact that the so-called “Operation Iraqi Freedom” resurrected a body of international law that had been dormant through the second half of the twentieth century: the law of military occupation. Developed at a time when war itself was not illegal, this doctrine became something of an embarrassment after the UN Charter established a broad prohibition on the use of force. Nevertheless, through the 1990s the United Nations itself had become involved in operations in Kosovo that looked distinctly like military occupation. Even the most liberal reading of the instruments governing occupation law, however, finds it hard to reconcile this law with military intervention and post-conflict occupation premised on regime change. This article first surveys the law of military occupation before briefly examining the role of the UN Security Council in post-conflict administration. It then turns to the ambiguous responsibilities accorded to the United States and Britain as occupying powers in Iraq in 2003–2004.


Author(s):  
E. L. Kuzmin

Examining the history of the UN creation in the first part of the article, the author focuses on an exceptionally significant issue settled in 1945 during the Crimean Conference of the Heads of the Three Great Powers, namely: the order of voting in the UN Security Council. Various appeals to renounce the “veto” of permanent members of the UN Security Council enshrined in the UN Charter have become the main leitmotif of numerous attempts of the United States and their closest allies to revise the UN Charter. Reviewing such proposals, the author notes that populist ideas the essence of which constitutes the call to replace, based on the principles of equality of all States, an international Organization by a supranational structure whose activities would actually be based on the principle of “who has force, has power” have been disseminated in Western political and scientific circles.The author goes on to consider the crucial question: whether the Organization have been able to cope with its main mission: to maintain international peace and security?Listing the outstanding universal documents of our time developed in the bowels of the UN, the author calls the most notable, in his opinion, achievement of the Organization — a real liberation of dozens of countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America from colonial oppression. Analyzing the activities of the UN, the author acknowledges that the Organization in many respects is still far from its unifying convergent essence: the US and its NATO allies lead the policy aiming at crashing the system of international relations, based on the central role of the UN in world politics; the US promote a concept that implies the creation of closed alliances to develop and implement measures bypassing the UN. Amid such realities, Russia, seeking to strengthen multilateral principles in international affairs, emphasizes the creation of a self-regulating international system, which requires collective leadership of the leading States that is represented geographically and civilizationally, and exercised with full respect for the central and coordinating role of the United Nations.The article also draws attention to the fact that modern reality identifies more and more intractable problems, which often lead to the “autonomization” of international law: “niches” that are not filled with legal material inevitably give rise to situations where the gaps concerned are governed by particular and special rules based on bilateral or regional foundations, The author sees the empowerment of international law in the approval of principles of intercivilizational communication, the pursuance of synthesis of various legal systems, ideologies, cultures, religions and other spiritual values, which would provide a reliable basis for strengthening the importance and influence of international law.


2021 ◽  
pp. 257 (322)-269 (333)
Author(s):  
Anna Igorevna Filimonova ◽  
Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot

The article presents an analysis of one of the most acute and urgent problems of our time — the acquisition of the de facto independence declared by Pristina on February 17, 2008 by the separatist forces of the Kosovo Albanians, represented mainly by the former leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, of the sabotage and punitive character of the fighting, and the Albanian politicians completely subordinate to them by that time. The authors focused on identifying the role of the UN (UN Security Council and the UN Civil Administration in Kosovo and Metohija — UNMIK), the United States, the EU, and Serbia since the beginning of the illegitimate process of negotiations, not on the implementation of the binding UN Security Council Resolution No. 1244, but on the completely contradictory negotiations on the status of Kosovo and Metohija, the failure of which, however, led, as planned, to the proclamation of the creation of the "Republic of Kosovo" and its subsequent strengthening on the basis of the principles underlying the preparation and conduct of these negotiations, as well as the Martti Ahtisaari Plan. The article covers the period from the end of the NATO military aggression against the FRY (June 1999) to February 17, 2008 – the starting point of the creation of the quasistate of Kosovo. The materials of the article can be used in the educational process within the "International Relations" and "Political Science" program tracks. English version of the article on pp. 322-333 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/negotiation-and-martti-ahtisaariplan-as-a-path-to-the-unconditional-state-independence-of-the-republic-of-kosovo/65975.html


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-128
Author(s):  
Hendra Maujana Saragih

The UN Security Council has 15 members divided into two types of membership, namely permanent members and non-permanent members. This research describes and analyzes phenomena, such as events, social activities, attitudes, beliefs, perceptions, thoughts of people individually or in groups. This study seeks to explore Indonesia's strategy and diplomacy to be elected as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) for the 2019-2020 period. Indonesia is actively contributing to peace, humanity, and prosperity in the region and globally. This variable is the primary consideration for UN member states to support Indonesia. Another reason besides that is inseparable from the maturing of democracy in Indonesia. UN member states view Indonesia as a tolerant country, where Islam and democracy go together. Indonesia will strengthen the global peace and stability ecosystem. For this reason, Indonesia will encourage a culture of dialogue so that conflict resolution can always exist peacefully. Indonesia will also seek to increase the synergy between regional organizations and the UN Security Council in maintaining peace and increasing the capacity of UN peacekeepers, including the role of women.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 17-39
Author(s):  
Ambassador Colin Keating

This article discusses the role of the UN Security Council during the crisis in Rwanda in 1993/94. It focuses on the peacekeeping dimensions of the Council’s involvement. It is a perspective from a practitioner, rather than an academic. It also makes some observations about whether the Rwanda crisis has had an enduring influence on Security Council practice. It does not address the impact on practical aspects of peacekeeping or on the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations.


Significance Russia on June 28 rejected as “lies” similar allegations by the United States, United Kingdom and France at the UN Security Council. The exchanges come against the backdrop of rising diplomatic tensions between Russia and France in CAR. Impacts Touadera’s ongoing offensive against rebel forces threatens to deliver a fatal blow to the peace deal he struck with them in 2019. Expanding Russian control over key mining sites could be a persistent source of frictions absent sophisticated local arrangements. Human rights concerns will deter some African leaders from engaging with Russia, but not all.


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