scholarly journals An Exploration into Challenges Facing Public Sector Labor Relations: A Literature Review and Analysis

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Chambers

This analysis explores some of the challenges facing public managers in nurturing their relationship and partnership with public-sector unions. It begins with a discussion of the background that elaborates on union history, discussing the birth of unions, the fall of private-sector unions, and the rise of government unions.  This is followed by a review of the relevant professional and scientific literature to better develop the topic and focus the analysis.  As the field of government labor-management relations is complex, the unique characteristics of government labor-management relationships that are lacking in the private-sector context necessitate a practitioner approach and an integrated synthesis of the literature. The analysis concludes that when collective bargaining is applied to public-sector business, it must be tailored to achieve proper alignment with taxpayers, who are the major stakeholders in public-sector services.

2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis N. Walker

Why did public sector unionization rise so dramatically and then plateau at the same time as private sector unionization underwent a precipitous decline? The exclusion of public sector employees from the centerpiece of private sector labor law—the 1935 Wagner Act—divided U.S. labor law and relegated public sector demand-making to the states. Consequently, public sector employees' collective bargaining rights were slow to develop and remain geographically concentrated, unequal and vulnerable. Further, divided labor law put the two movements out of alignment; private sector union density peaked nearly a decade before the first major statutes granting public sector collective bargaining rights passed. As a result of this incongruent timing and sequencing, the United States has never had a strong union movement comprised of both sectors at the height of their membership and influence.


Author(s):  
Adam Mertz

Since the turn of the 20th century, teachers have tried to find a balance between bettering their own career prospects as workers and educating their students as public servants. To reach a workable combination, teachers have utilized methods drawn from union movements, the militant and labor-conscious approach favored by the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), as well as to professional organizations, the tradition from which the National Education Association (NEA) arose. Because teachers lacked the federally guaranteed labor rights that private-sector workers enjoyed after Congress passed the National Labor Relations Act in 1935, teachers’ fortunes—in terms of collective bargaining rights, control over classroom conditions, pay, and benefits—often remained tied to the broader public-sector labor movement and to state rather than federal law. Opponents of teacher unionization consistently charged that as public servants paid by tax revenues, teachers and other public employees should not be allowed to form unions. Further, because women constituted the vast majority of teachers and union organizing often represented a “manly” domain, the opposition’s approach worked quite well, successfully preventing teachers from gaining widespread union recognition. But by the late 1960s and early 1970s, thanks to an improved economic climate and invigoration from the women’s movement, civil rights struggles, and the New Left, both AFT and NEA teacher unionism surged forward, infused with a powerful militancy devoted to strikes and other political action, and appeared poised to capture federal collective bargaining rights. Their newfound assertiveness proved ill-timed, however. After the economic problems of the mid-1970s, opponents of teacher unions once again seized the opportunity to portray teacher unions and other public-sector unions as greedy and privileged interest groups functioning at the public’s expense. President Ronald Reagan accentuated this point when he fired all of the more than 10,000 striking air traffic controllers during the 1981 Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) strike. Facing such opposition, teacher unions—and public-sector unions in general—shifted their efforts away from strikes and toward endorsing political candidates and lobbying governments to pass favorable legislation. Given these constraints, public-sector unions enjoyed a large degree of success in the 1990s through the early 2000s, even as private-sector union membership plunged to less than 10 percent of the workforce. After the Great Recession of 2008, however, austerity politics targeted teachers and other public-sector workers and renewed political confrontations surrounding the legitimacy of teacher unions.


ILR Review ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda N. Edwards ◽  
Franklin R. Edwards

This study examines the hypothesis advanced by Wellington and Winter that public sector unions have greater power than private sector unions to raise wages. To test this hypothesis the authors use a unique body of 1974 data on several aspects of residential solid waste collection in 175 cities, 95 with public collection systems and 80 with private systems. In both groups of cities some work forces are unionized and some are not. The authors' analysis shows that unionization raises the wages of sanitation workers in the public sector by considerably more than it raises the wages of such workers in the private sector, thus providing strong support for the Wellington-Winter thesis.


ILR Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 552
Author(s):  
Paul D. Staudohar ◽  
Alan Edward Bent ◽  
T. Zane Reeves

2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-45
Author(s):  
Kim Jung In

This paper reviews the historical and institutional backgrounds of public- and private-sector unions, internal and external trends involving public-sector unions, union representation in the public sector, union affiliation with citizens, and the relationship between privatization and public unions. Using these characteristics to reflect on the fundamental rationale of public-sector unions as the negotiators for public employees and as the promoters of political affiliation with citizens, the nature of the labor-management relationship emerges as a key factor in determining the effectiveness of unions in these roles.


Author(s):  
Brett Lineham ◽  
Louise Fawthorpe ◽  
Boaz Shulruf ◽  
Stephen Blumenfeld ◽  
Roopali Johri

This study carried out by the Department of Labour in 2007/08 aims to assess whether there have been any significant changes in the coverage of collective bargaining that can be attributed to the Employment Relations Act 2000. The research draws on administrative data relating to union membership and collective bargaining coverage, as well as qualitative data from employers, employees, union representatives and other employment relations stakeholders. The research shows that collective bargaining has yet to regain pre Employment Relations Act levels. Collective bargaining remains concentrated in the public sector, with low density in the private sector. The study concludes that the effects of the Act on collective bargaining are chiefly observed in the recovery of collective bargaining in the public sector, and the continued decline (in general) in the private sector. The research offers no indications that these patterns will change.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-62
Author(s):  
Zuly Qodir ◽  
Adil Hasan Ibrahim

This paper dealt with the issue of a commitment to the public office ethics reduces the administrative corruption manifestations in Sudan. The purpose of this paper is to find out what are the administrative corruption manifestations and how the commitment to the public office ethics contributes in the decreasing of administrative corruption forms. This paper depends on the literature review and uses descriptive approach in order to describe the forms of corruption which are related to the administration. Qualitative method has been followed in this work because, according to the view of the researcher, it is acceptable for this kind of study. The findings show that, embezzlement, extortion, exploitation of public position, forgery, deception, mediation, nepotism, favouritism and gifts to the public office are all shapes of administrative corruption that are pervasive in Sudan, Also, it indicates that, high levels of corporate transparency (auditing and reporting) and high Internet access can be beneficial in Sudan, that by combating corruption in the public sector and adopting effective policies to encourage the development of the private sector. Likewise, increase of salaries and wages for public sector workers can contribute in corruption reduction.  The study recommends strongly to implement the principles of ethics of public offices, and law should be set in order to organize the bad morals of individuals in government agencies in Sudan.


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