The Forgotten Labour of Craft

2021 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Anderson

Over the last decade, firms positioning themselves as craft or artisanal have proliferated in the urban environments of the Global North. Selling themselves as community hubs, friendly neighbours, anticorporate crusaders, and environmental stewards, craft industries – craft breweries, artisanal bakeries, heritage clothing manufacturers, and the like – have effectively insulated themselves from critique. Hidden beneath this veneer, however, are the accounts of countless workers detailing experiences of harassment, overwork, low pay, and discrimination. Motivated by the methodological orientation of workers’ inquiry, this article recounts attitudes and experiences offered by craftworkers and craftspeople about their working conditions, motivations, and attempts to organize in craft industries, particularly craft brewing. Worker testimony reveals a profound disconnect between the optimistic industrial mythologies offered up by craft discourse and the rigid hierarchies, unequal division of labour, and toxic cultures many observed in their workplaces. Contrary to the pervasive artisanal allure that motivates many workers to seek out work in craft brewing and similar industries, the research presented here also suggests new levels of working-class consciousness and solidarity emerging in these industries and profiles attempts by craft brewery workers to organize their workplaces and fight to improve conditions.   Au cours de la dernière décennie, les entreprises se positionnant comme artisanales ont proliféré dans les environnements urbains du Nord mondial. Se propageant comme des centres communautaires, des voisins amicaux, des militants qui luttent contre les entreprises et des gardiens de l’environnement, les industries artisanales  – brasseries, boulangeries, fabricants de vêtements patrimoniaux, etc.  – se sont efficacement isolées de la critique. Cachés sous ce vernis, cependant, se trouvent les récits d’innombrables travailleurs détaillant leur expérience de harcèlement, de surmenage, de bas salaire et de discrimination. Motivé par l’orientation méthodologique de l’enquête ouvrière, cet article raconte l’attitude et l’expérience offertes par les artisans sur leurs conditions de travail, leurs motivations et leurs tentatives d’organisation dans les industries artisanales, en particulier l’artisanat brassicole. Le témoignage des travailleurs révèle une profonde déconnexion entre les mythologies industrielles optimistes offertes par le discours artisanal et les hiérarchies rigides, la division inégale du travail et les cultures toxiques que beaucoup observent sur leur lieu de travail. Contrairement à l’attrait artisanal omniprésent qui motive de nombreux travailleurs à chercher du travail dans la brasserie artisanale et les industries similaires, la recherche présentée ici suggère également de nouveaux niveaux de conscience et de solidarité de la classe ouvrière émergeant dans ces industries et décrit les tentatives des travailleurs des brasseries artisanales d’organiser leur lieu de travail et lutter pour améliorer les conditions.

Author(s):  
Connal Parr

St John Ervine and Thomas Carnduff were born in working-class Protestant parts of Belfast in the 1880s, though Ervine would escape to an eventually prosperous existence in England. Orangeism, the politics of early twentieth-century Ireland, the militancy of the age—and the involvement of these writers in it—along with Ervine’s journey from ardent Fabian to reactionary Unionist, via his pivotal experiences managing the Abbey Theatre and losing a leg in the First World War, are all discussed. Carnduff’s own tumultuous life is reflected through his complicated Orange affiliation, gut class-consciousness, poetry, unpublished work, contempt for the local (and gentrified) Ulster artistic scene, and veneration of socially conscious United Irishman James Hope. It concludes with an assessment of their respective legacies and continuing import.


1963 ◽  
Vol 68 (6) ◽  
pp. 682-692 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Leggett

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Stephen Kent

Before the diminished influence of classical psychoanalysis in the late twentieth century, several now-classic studies of sectarian religions contained Freudian psychoanalytic perspectives on religious sects or cults. These studies included Weston La Barre’s analyses of both serpent handlers and the Native American Ghost Dance; Norman Cohn’s panoramic examination of medieval European sectarian apocalyptic movements; and E. P. Thompson’s groundbreaking examination of Methodism within the formation of English working-class consciousness. Regardless of the problems that are endemic to the application of Freudian psychoanalysis to history, the sheer (although sometimes flawed) erudition of these three authors suggests that classical psychoanalysis had an important interpretive role to play in the study of some sectarian and cultic groups.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-616
Author(s):  
MATTHEW B. KARUSH

The electoral democracy created by the Sáenz Peña Law of 1912 opened up dramatic new possibilities for working-class political identity. In the important port city of Rosario, the Radical politician Ricardo Caballero crafted a political discourse that combined an explicit defence of working-class interests with a nostalgic depiction of the country's rural past. By linking class consciousness with images drawn from the popular culture of the ‘gauchesque,’ Caballerismo constructed a distinctively working-class version of Argentine nationalism and citizenship.


2001 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Hilson

Naval dockyards have been largely neglected by labour historians, a surprising omission given their importance as industrial workplaces with a distinct culture of labour and labour relations. This article considers labour politics in Karlskrona dockyard, Sweden, in the light of a growing body of research on work and labour relations in the British and other European dockyards. Evidence from Karlskrona suggests that, rather than being repressed by military discipline or bought off by generous state benefits, the dockyard workforce drew on aspects of its unique relationship with the national state to improve working conditions. Particular attention is given to the role of the dockyard trade union in creating a sense of workforce identity as state employees. This is in contrast to the British dockyards where unionism was founded on the rigid division of labour in the shipbuilding industry.


Revista Trace ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Luis Roberto Canto Valdés ◽  
Maritel Yanes Pérez ◽  
Dora Elia Ramos Muñoz

Se documenta la nota roja publicada sobre un crimen acontecido en una hacienda henequenera de Tekax, Yucatán, en 1890. Se analiza el manejo que la prensa dio a un homicidio, mientras se explica cómo se construyó el control social en el Yucatán rural, y se exploran las razones por las que el periodismo yucateco se interesó en el suceso. El interés del trabajo es explicar cómo la prensa decimonónica meridana presentó evidencias sobre el homicidio de un jornalero y mostró evidencias de cómo se integró en su nota roja una crítica a las condiciones laborales y al andamiaje legal y de investigación que cimentaban el maltrato de los jornaleros mayas por el personal del hacendado.Abstract: The «red note» published on a crime occurred in a henequen farm of Tekax Yucatan in 1890 is documented. The handling of the press gave homicide is analyzed, while explaining how social control was built in rural Yucatan, and the reasons why Yucatecan journalism was interested in the event. This work explain how the nineteenthcentury press of Merida presented evidence about the murder of a day laborer and showed evidence of how a criticism of working conditions and legal and investigative scaffolding that cemented the mistreatment of day laborers was integrated in their red note Maya by the landowner’s staff.Keywords: social control; social change; journalism; social critic; homicide.Résumé : Il s’agit d’une note rouge publiée à propos d’un crime survenu dans une exploitation d’henequen à Tekax, Yucatan en 1890. Est ainsi analysée la manière dont la presse a rendu compte d’un assassinat, tout en expliquant comment fonctionnait le contrôle social dans le Yucatan rural, et pourquoi le journalisme du Yucatan s’est intéressé à cet évènement. L’intérêt de cet article se trouve dans la manière de rendre compte d’un double processus : la presse de Mérida a présenté les preuves de l’assassinat d’un travailleur journalier, tout en intégrant dans la note rouge une critique des conditions de travail et une analyse de l’échafaudage juridique qui a contribué aux mauvais traitements subis par les journaliers mayas de la part du personnel du grand propriétaire.Mots-clés : contrôle social ; changement social ; journalisme ; critique sociale ; assassinat.


Revista Trace ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Patrick Pérez

En México, el “sueño americano” no deja de ser reciente, las expectativas del personal de cuidado de la salud en materia de movilidad dependen de la iniciativa individual. Los factores que determinan tanto la migración, como la admisión de los candidatos, son numerosos y difíciles de objetivar, debido a que se encuentran sedimentados por la historia y las complejas relaciones con Estados Unidos, que simbolizan la promesa de un “horizonte de movilidad abierto”, con referencia al cual se desprecian profundamente las condiciones de trabajo en el país de origen. Sin embargo, las condiciones reales de trabajo en Estados Unidos no son tan idílicas como los estudiantes gustan creerlo.Abstract: In Mexico, the “American dream” is still a topical issue. The expectations of the healthcare workers in terms of mobility depends on the individual initiative. The factors which determine migration, as well as the admission of candidates are numerous and uneasy to specify, given that they are frozen by history and complex relations with the United States, which symbolizes the promise of an “open mobility horizon”, in reference to the disregard of working conditions in their home country. However, the real working conditions in the United-States are not as idyllic as the students want to believe.Résumé : Au Mexique, le « rêve américain » n’en finit pas d’être d’actualité. Les perspectives du personnel de santé en matière de mobilité dépendent de l’initiative individuelle. Les facteurs déterminants de la migration, ainsi que de l’admission des candidats sont nombreux et difficiles à spécifier, puisqu’ils sont figés par l’histoire et les relations complexes avec les États-Unis, lesquels symbolisent la promesse d’un « horizon de mobilité ouvert », et font référence au mépris des conditions de travail dans le pays d’origine. Cependant, les conditions réelles de travail aux États-Unis ne sont pas aussi idylliques que les étudiants veulent le croire.


Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter explores the contribution of working-class immigrant women—another important but often underestimated group—to the movement. Working-class women touted the vote as a viable solution to wage woes and threatening working conditions. They did not need elite suffragists to empower them; working-class women transferred the speaking and activist skills they had honed in the labor movement to disseminate their suffragist convictions. In addition, many of the women possessed some of the same qualities suffrage leaders valued in their workers; being young and single, they had the freedom to travel the state and the ability to appeal to broad, working-class audiences. They compensated for class tensions by appealing to multi-ethnic voters as Irish, German, Russian, Polish, Jewish, and Italian women joined the suffrage alliance.


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