Guest Workers of the World

Author(s):  
Immanuel Ness

This introductory chapter lays out the major themes to be explored in this book, and positions guest workers (as opposed to undocumented migrant workers) at the center of discussion. Ineffectual regulatory policies have bifurcated migrant workers into two groups—undocumented laborers and guest workers. Focusing on guest workers rather than on undocumented laborers foreshadows the potential prospects and pitfalls of the program for foreign workers as well as U.S. nationals, and the potential influence of such a program on the broader labor movement and working class. Moreover, the chapter focuses the U.S. as the world's leading recipient of foreign workers in order to briefly examine the intersection between labor, capital, and government policies in advancing corporate profits.

2000 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 863-888 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Gurowitz

We are currently witnessing two trends in Southeast Asia: first, an increase in what is often referred to as “civil society” activity including action by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); and second, an increase in various forms of migration, one of the key human rights concerns of the post-World War II era. This article reviews the convergence of these two trends by examining activism on behalf of migrant workers in the largest receiving state of migrants in Asia, Malaysia. With approximately 700,000 documented and over one million undocumented migrant workers, Malaysia has one of the highest percentages of foreign workers in the world (Migrant News [MN], November 1999). Like many other countries with labor shortages, Malaysia needs these workers, but does not want them. Both of these facts are clearly reflected in government policies. There are frequent attempts to get rid of migrant workers, either in response to public concern or because of economic downturn, but with almost every halt to migration there is a corresponding exception allowing workers to stay or continue coming. Throughout this process there is little if any attention paid to the rights of migrant workers by the Malaysian government, or often the migrant's home government. Since this increased migration is occurring at a time of a general increase in activism in Malaysia and regionally, it is reasonable to ask what of this civil society energy is being addressed to the increasingly important issue of migrant rights.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-149
Author(s):  
Steven Gordon ◽  
Brij Maharaj

ABSTRACTIn recent years South African cities have become home to a large number of undocumented migrant workers. If trade unions do not organise undocumented migrant workers, it opens up such workers to exploitation and maltreatment by employers, thereby creating a split labour market that undermines the entire labour movement. This article focuses on the responses of the national trade union movement in the private security sector to the presence of undocumented workers at the grassroots level. Using a case study approach, we find that the pressures of labour market informalisation in the industry prompt unions to seek to maintain and advance their position from their traditional support base of citizen workers rather than attempt to include new groups. The failure to engage is reinforced by anti-immigrant attitudes which link foreigners with problems in the industry such as low wages and portrays such workers as co-conspirators rather than comrades. While justice and solidarity have always been the foundation of trade unionism in South Africa, the movement is in danger of failing this test if the current situation in terms of the exclusion of undocumented foreign workers persists.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
Philip Martin

Two thirds of the 272 million international migrants in 2019 were employed in the destination country. Demographic and economic inequalities between countries, combined with globalization that reduced barriers to migrants, were expected to continue to increase the number of international migrant workers. Covid-19 closed many national borders to non- essential travelers, with limited exceptions. Seasonal farm workers were one of the notable exceptions, suggesting that many governments do not expect local workers to fill seasonal farm jobs despite record-high unemployment rates. For agriculture, the longer term effects of the pandemic include faster mechanization, more guest workers, and rising imports. Responses are likely to vary by commodity and be shaped by government policies. This article provides a review of the distribution and activities of the world’s 164 million international migrant workers in 2017, including the 111 million in high-income countries. The analysis focuses on the North American migrant worker and the differences between their integration in the agricultural industries. American agricultural systems are integrating in the sense that Canadian blueberries, Mexican avocados and U.S. meat trade freely, but the farm workforces in each country are increasingly Mexican.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-512
Author(s):  
Simeon S. Magliveras

Filipinos are a major part of the workforce in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia with a population of almost one million. This article investigates the effects of gender segregation on Filipino workers and how they navigate their lives through systems imposed on them. In particular, it examines the Kafala system (administrative sponsoring system) used for recruiting migrant workers for GCC countries. This article suggests that contrary beliefs about gender segregation and dress codes, Filipinas found it empowering. However, this article also concludes that gender segregation and dress codes also lead to isolation and loneliness. In addition, it is concluded that the fate and contentment of the overseas Filipino workers are directly dependent on who sponsors them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Vanobberghen ◽  
Fred Louckx ◽  
Anne-Marie Depoorter ◽  
Dirk Devroey ◽  
Jan Vandevoorde

IZUMI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-142
Author(s):  
Muhammad Reza Rustam

One of the reasons foreign workers are looking for jobs abroad is that there are not enough jobs in their home countries. Indonesia is one of the countries that send migrant workers to more developed Asian and Middle Eastern countries. The increasingly rapid flow of globalization in the world goes together with the need for new workers to fill the industry, especially in Japan. This condition has forced Japan to open doors for foreign workers from developing countries to satisfy demand. These workers usually come from developing countries, such as Indonesia, Vietnam, China, the Philippines, and others. In general, they occupy the less desirable working positions over Japanese youth, the so-called 3D work (dirty, dangerous, and demanding). Therefore, the current dynamics of these migrant workers' life in Japan becomes an exciting subject to comprehend, especially for the Indonesian migrant workers. This study aims to determine the dynamics of Indonesian worker's life while working in the Japanese fisheries sector. In particular, the study looks at those who work in oyster cultivation in Hiroshima prefecture. This research was carried out using descriptive analysis methods and field study with in-depth interviews conducted from 2016-2018. The interviews performed in this study were structured to find answers for the following questions: What problems do the workers face while living in Japan? What kind of processes did they go through before coming to Japan? While working in the Japanese fishing industry, how was their life as a Muslim minority?


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Rasyid Saliman ◽  
E. Vita Mutiarawati

The effort of providing protection for all Indonesian migrant workers abroad is focused on two categories. Firstly, the phase of pre-departure of Indonesian migrant workers in which an approach of cross sectors is carried out by both the Indonesian government and the private agencies in order to prepare them with all the things needed when they arrive at countries of their destination. Secondly is the phase of arrival and post-arrival of Indonesian migrant workers abroad. As in Malaysia, the policy on the arragenment of labor affairs either for Malaysian workers or for foreign workers is officially and legally protected in Labor Act of 1955, Industrial Relation Act of 1967, Trade Union Act of 1959, and in Compensation Act of 1952. The process of labor trials is settled through The Labor Court. This Labor Court no more handles the process of trial of illegally foreign workers. There are needs of establishing Labor Cooperation Agreement (LCA) on the ministerail level, Implementaion Agreement serving as the general policy on the executors level as well as Standardized Labor Contract which has been amended. The establishments of Labor Cooperation Agreement, Implementing Agreement and Standardized Labor Contract should occur before all workers leave Indonesia and are aimed at providing legal protection for every single Indonesian migrant worker. In order that there is no collision between the Malaysian laws and Indonesian laws, the government officials of related issues of both countries must do observations and conduct discussions without neglecting the prevail laws of each country. Any issue of labor affairs should always be referred to the laws of both countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (3) ◽  
pp. 655-662
Author(s):  
Manie (Jong-Man Choi) ◽  
Joyce C. H. Liu ◽  
Brett Neilson

Bidduth, Syed, and Samar were dishonorably deported from South Korea about fifteen years ago while they were protesting for the rights of undocumented migrant workers. Since returning to their home countries, Bangladesh and Nepal, they have been practicing modes of solidarity that they learned during the years of struggle. Still, We Are Migrant Workers is a documentary film made to record their personal history, will, and current political projects. This is an interview about the historical background of labor migration in Korea, the struggles of the characters in the film, and the alternatives they have been pursuing in the wake of their deportations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Gracia Liu-Farrer

This introductory chapter provides an overview of Japan as an immigrant country. Japan has become an immigrant country de facto. Starting in the 1980s, to stave off economic decline caused by labor shortage and in the name of internationalization, Japan has tried different programs to bring in foreign workers. In 2012, Japan became one of the most liberal states in its policies for granting permanent residency to highly skilled migrants. As a result, the population of foreigners has been rising for the past three decades and is likely to increase significantly in the near future. Why, then, do both the Japanese government and people inside and outside Japan hesitate to accept the discourse of immigration and the reality of its transformation into an immigrant society? This hesitation has to do with Japan's ethno-nationalist self-identity and the widespread myth surrounding its monoethnic nationhood, on the one hand, and the conventional, albeit anachronistic, definition of “immigrant country” and the difficulty for people to associate an immigrant country with an ethno-nationalist one, on the other hand.


Author(s):  
Reiko Shindo

This chapter focuses on the Nambu Foreign Workers Caucus (FWC), the migrant workers' branch of the trade union, National Union of General Workers Tokyo Nambu (hereafter referred to as Nambu), and largely led by English-speaking migrants. It traces the events where the FWC split from Nambu, a trade union largely composed of Japanese-speaking members, to form a new union called Tozen. At the heart of the split was the question of silence. Many Nambu FWC members were troubled not only because they had been silenced by Japanese union members for their inability to speak Japanese, but also because their silence was linked to a sign of powerlessness. They were regarded as helpless victims, unable to act and speak on their own. By looking at Tozen's activities, the chapter also investigates how the union, driven by the need to make noncitizens audible, handles linguistic diversity among its members.


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