Life Outside

2018 ◽  
pp. 389-402
Author(s):  
Christophe Bident

Starting the final section of the biography, this chapter looks at The Step (Not) Beyond, a fragmentary work produced several years after May 1968. It explores how it recapitulates previous key moments in the writer’s work, retaining a political dimension whilst also furthering its literary experimentation and its philosophical dwellings on death.

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim B. Mueller

This article surveys the activities and funding priorities of the Rockefeller Foundation (RF) during the first two decades of the Cold War, from the mid-1940s through the mid-1960s. Drawing on documents from the RF's own archive as well as Western government repositories, the article focuses on the foundation's support for research in the social sciences and the humanities. The article first gives an overview of RF policies and grants during the early Cold War and then discusses the political dimension of the foundation's philanthropic practices. The main part of the article looks in detail at two specific RF projects in the humanities and social sciences that exemplify the political and intellectual features of the early Cold War. The final section considers the nature of modernity, modernization, and the Cold War.


1980 ◽  
Vol 19 (03) ◽  
pp. 125-132
Author(s):  
G. S. Lodwick ◽  
C. R. Wickizer ◽  
E. Dickhaus

The Missouri Automated Radiology System recently passed its tenth year of clinical operation at the University of Missouri. This article presents the views of a radiologist who has been instrumental in the conceptual development and administrative support of MARS for most of this period, an economist who evaluated MARS from 1972 to 1974 as part of her doctoral dissertation, and a computer scientist who has worked for two years in the development of a Standard MUMPS version of MARS. The first section provides a historical perspective. The second deals with economic considerations of the present MARS system, and suggests those improvements which offer the greatest economic benefits. The final section discusses the new approaches employed in the latest version of MARS, as well as areas for further application in the overall radiology and hospital environment. A complete bibliography on MARS is provided for further reading.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-168
Author(s):  
Bayram Unal

This study aims at understanding how the perceptions about migrants have been created and transferred into daily life as a stigmatization by means of public perception, media and state law implementations.  The focus would be briefly what kind of consequences these perceptions and stigmatization might lead. First section will examine the background of migration to Turkey briefly and make a summary of migration towards Turkey by 90s. Second section will briefly evaluate the preferential legal framework, which constitutes the base for official discourse differentiating the migrants and implementations of security forces that can be described as discriminatory. The third section deals with the impact of perceptions influential in both formation and reproduction of inclusive and exclusive practices towards migrant women. Additionally, impact of public perception in classifying the migrants and migratory processes would be dealt in this section.


Author(s):  
Peter Hopkins

The chapters in this collection explore the everyday lives, experiences, practices and attitudes of Muslims in Scotland. In order to set the context for these chapters, in this introduction I explore the early settlement of Muslims in Scotland and discuss some of the initial research projects that charted the settlement of Asians and Pakistanis in Scotland’s main cities. I then discuss the current situation for Muslims in Scotland through data from the 2011 Scottish Census. Following a short note about the significance of the Scottish context, in the final section, the main themes and issues that have been explored in research about Muslims in Scotland.


2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. A. M. Duncan

The hitherto accepted date of the priory's foundation, 1144, was copied on the bishop's diploma from the bull of Lucius II, and is impossible; Bower's 1140 is to be preferred. The foundation narrative (FN) probably by Robert, the first prior, ascribes to a Pictish king the grant to St Andrew of the Boar's Raik, but that was ignored by Wyntoun and Bower and is probably wrong. It seems that Alexander I made this gift, renegued on it, and restored it towards the end of his life. Though intended to found an Augustinian priory, the Raik was kept by the bishop until in 1138-9 David I obtained from Nostell a prior, Robert; Robert was unable to advance the foundation through his reluctance to recruit canons from elsewhere, perhaps resisting Scone and/or Holyrood. He and clerics of his resided in a ‘parsonage’, the vacant house of one of the seven ‘parsons’ who represented the earliest clerics of St Andrews, and are uniquely described in FN; they developed the hospital. In 1140 David I and Earl Henry at St Andrews compelled the bishop to disgorge the Raik and thereby establish the priory. The date was probably St Andrew's day, 1140, a month after the foundation of the abbey of St Mary at Newbattle. Both foundations should be seen as thanksgiving for Henry's recovery from serious illness. A narrower dating is suggested for some St Andrews charters, the endowments showing a closer relationship with those of Holyrood abbey than with those of Scone priory. Prior Robert probably wished from the beginning to recruit the céli Dé (Culdees) as canons and to obtain their endowments, succeeding at Lochleven but, despite papal and royal approval, failing at St Andrews. A final section asks why David I was so generous to the regular orders, suggesting that he was much influenced by the development of Marian devotion in his lifetime, when the Virgin had become head and most powerful of the hierarchy of saints.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Tracy

This study analyzes public hearings about same-sex marriage to show how the contexts that are established for citizens' and legislators' talk make arguments about the issue being disputed. Situated within the traditions of argument studies and discourse analysis, the article explores different meanings of “context.” The study evidences how two sets of context features created positive (or negative) stances toward the issue of same-sex marriage, and shows that how the controversy was formulated and how participation was designed gave distinct advantages to speakers advocating for (or against) same-sex marriage. The final section draws out implications of these legislative choices for citizen presenters and for the officials themselves as the enactors and guardians of democratic process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.


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