Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Courtney A. Short
Keyword(s):  
Focal Point ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
Civilian Population ◽  
Historical Discourse ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
Life Threatening ◽  
Work First

This study examines the occupation of Okinawa from the wartime planning stages in late 1944 and early 1945 through to the end of the US Navy’s responsibility for occupation duties in July 1946. In engaging in the historical discourse about the role of race in the Pacific War, two analytical choices drive the structure of this work. First, civilians that ethnically bore more resemblance to the enemy than the invading US forces served as the focal point of American racialized interactions. By examining the contact between a besieged civilian population and the US military rather than the contact between two combatant militaries, the study contests the misleading argument that issues of race in the Pacific War stemmed only from dehumanizing an enemy. A large, mostly docile civilian population complicates the term “enemy” and allows for an exploration of American racism in the Pacific expressed outside of the confines of force-on-force conventional warfare. Second, the environment of combat, central to this historical debate, also features predominantly in my work. The confusion, energy, heightened emotions, delirious exhaustion, life-threatening situations, and trauma of combat pushed the actors involved into dramatic decision making.

Occupation without End: Opposition to the US Military in Okinawa

2012 ◽  
Vol 111 (4) ◽  
pp. 827-838
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Complex Network ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
Military Installations ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Northeast Coast

In the aftermath of the Pacific War, the US military began an occupation of the Japanese prefecture of Okinawa that continues to this day. Although formal sovereignty of the islands was returned to Japan in 1972, the physical and social space of Okinawa remains dominated by a massive network of US military installations. For decades, soldiers and Marines trained in the northern jungles for wars in places like Indochina, Iraq, and Afghanistan; the military airfields and harbors have supported American interests and operations across the Pacific and Indian Oceans. While the Japanese state has been, at best, disinterested and, at worst, complicit in this occupation, there is a long history of Okinawan resistance. Most recently, a dynamic and complex network of groups and individuals has come together to contest plans by the Japanese and US authorities to relocate a Marine airfield to the northeast coast of Okinawa and create new training facilities in the nearby forests.

scholarly journals H. Baldwin’s Memorandum for the US Government “On Military Cooperation of Russia in the Pacific War” (1942) as a Historical Source

2020 ◽  
pp. 291-300
Author(s):  
E. V. Bodrova ◽  
V. V. Kalinov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
Second World

Issues related to US attempts to engage the USSR in a direct clash with Japan during the Second World War are examined. The relevance of the study is due to the fierce ongoing debate regarding a number of aspects of the history of the war years. Particular attention is paid to the study of a document sent by the Soviet intelligence agencies to I. V. Stalin in 1942. The novelty of the study is seen, first of all, in the fact that the document under study was declassified only at the present time and has not been published before. Meanwhile, the document testifies to the strategies proposed to the US government by a number of very influential and informed representatives of the American elite, aimed at drawing the Soviet Union into the war with Japan. It is shown in this document that the role of the USSR in the Pacific theater of operations is rightly defined as very significant. Of particular interest is the list of recommendations cited in the article by H. Baldwin, the author of the document studied, recommendations designed to ensure the involvement of the USSR in the war with Japan. The conclusion is formulated that the studied “Memorandum” confirms the readiness of the Allies to do a lot to achieve the desired. At the same time, it demonstrates the temporary nature of a community of interests and is by no means an allied attitude towards our country.

scholarly journals Mobility and Ideological Perspective of Asano Akira in Java During Period of Japan Occupation

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Syahrur Marta Dwisusilo ◽  
Lucitra A. Yuniar
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Critical Time ◽  
New Historicism ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Japanese Military ◽  
Japanese Colonial

The period of Japanese occupation for 3 years in Indonesia is sort when compared to the Dutch colonial period. However, at that time it was a critical time for the formation of various ideological thoughts. One of the ideologies that emerged in the Japanese colonial era was the ideology of "Greater Asia", which is known as the ideology of unification of Asia. During the Pacific War, Japanese writers who underwent military service in Indonesia published many of his writings for the purposes of Japanese military propaganda, especially those related to prapaganda of Greater Asia ideology. One of the most active writers in spreading this ideology was Asano Akira. This research clarifies the role of Asano Akira in spreading the ideology of Greater Asia through its activities and mobility in Java with the approach of new historicism and orientalism.

US-China Relations

2019 ◽  
pp. 571-589
Author(s):  
Clay Wilson ◽  
Nicole Drumhiller
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual Property ◽  
Economic Disadvantage ◽  
Cyber Warfare ◽  
Private Industry ◽  
National Cultures ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cyber Espionage

It is assumed by most observers that China is copying or stealing vast amounts of intellectual property from US military and private industry through its cyber espionage activities, and then sharing that information with state-owned industries, giving them unfair economic advantages. The US also conducts cyber espionage against China and other nations, but chooses to not share the vast collections of intellectual property and data with its own domestic industries. By choosing not to do the same thing as China, the US may be placing itself at an economic disadvantage, and may also mistakenly be accusing China of threatening cyber warfare. What is needed is a clearer understanding of differences in national cultures that contribute to intolerance between the US and China when it comes to economics, threats of war, and the evolving new role of cyber espionage.

Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]

2003 ◽  
Vol 176 ◽  
pp. 1097-1098
Author(s):  
Reinhard Drifte
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
English Language ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
Asian Studies ◽  
Mainland Chinese ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
Before And After

This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.

French Far Eastern Policy in the 1930s

1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. Laffey
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Fundamental Problem ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
World War ◽  
Japanese Occupation ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Full Picture ◽  
Far Eastern ◽  
Shed Light

The completion in 1986 of the Documents diplomatiques français, 1932–1939 permits a review of French Far Eastern policy during that troubled time characterized by J.-B. Duroselle as ‘la décadence.’ This massive documentary collection, however, still dose not provide a full picture of the forces which shaped French East Asian policy in the years before the outbreak of the Pacific War. Understandably focused upon European developments, it begins and ends, from the Far Eastern perspective, in medias res; that is, after the outbreak of the Manchurian crisis and before the Japanese occupation of Indochina. Moreover, like other compilations of what statesmen and diplomats said to each other, this one slights economic factors and, though to a lesser extent, the role of public opinion. Even taken in their own terms, the documents perhaps reveal more about what others said and did to the French than about what they themselves accomplished. That points to a more fundamental problem, for one can question whether anything so gelatinous as the French responses or lack thereof to developments largely beyond their control can even be described as ‘policy.’ Still, although much more work in archives and private papers will be necessary before the entire story can be pieced together, these documents do shed light on what passed for French policy in East Asia during the years before the outbreak of World War II.

scholarly journals Das „gläserne Schlachtfeld“ als soziotechnologisches Leitbild der modernen US-amerikanischen Kriegführung

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (145) ◽  
pp. 519-532
Author(s):  
Jan Benedix
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Role Of It ◽  
And Diffusion

The Information Revolution has leveraged the attention which the academic discourse is paying to the impacts of information and communication technologies, although aspects of how to conceptualize these impacts theoretically are insufficient. Focusing on the role of IT during the rearmament of the US-military since the end of the Cold War a neogramscian perspective on the genesis and diffusion of IT as “political project” is outlined. IT gives a new model of warfare and contributes to the significant consent which the rearmament of the US-military has gained among US-citizens.

scholarly journals AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE US AND THE TALIBAN: START A DIALOGUE

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D.A. Aitzhanov ◽  
◽  
L.N. Nursultanova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us

The authors of the article analyze the situation in Afghanistan: establishing dialogue with Taliban and signing an agreement on a ceasefire, timing of withdrawal of the US military, the economic situation and the protracted political crisis. The role of Russia, China, Iran and Pakistan in addressing this issue is touched. The positions of Russia and China on Afghanistan are similar: strengthening of national army, law enforcement agencies, as well as respect for human rights and freedoms. Iran fears that Pakistan will be able to intervene in Afghanistan’s domestic policy and is therefore taking steps to establish cooperation with the Taliban. The main goal of Pakistan in Afghanistan is to further strengthen its influence in this country and prevent a strong rapprochement with India.

scholarly journals A Critical Review on the Damage Claim against Japan -Focusing on the Victims in the Pacific War-

1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (0) ◽  
pp. 173-184
Author(s):  
Jin-Young Kim
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Critical Review ◽  
Present Situation ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
The North ◽  
Damage Compensation ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Damage Claims ◽  
Damage Claim

This paper aims to falsify the Japanese Government's argument that Japan has already completed the compensation of the damage on the side of Korea during the Pacific War, by showing that the Korea-Japan agreement on the damage claims in 1965 does not conform to the international customs, and did not fully take the victims into consideration. Henceforth, this paper argues that the Korean Government must claim the newly identified damage against Japan by resuming the negotiation. Specificallyl things to be discussed in this paper include the following: First, we briefly review the present situation of the damage compensation, especially for the Sakhalin residents, the A-bomb victims, the women in 'Cengsindae,' and the Korean residents in Japan, Second, we look into the illicitness of the treaty in 1965, by showing that it did not respect the international customs. Finally, we seek for the solutions that may support the victims and their concerned families. In connection with this, we will examine the role of the Korean and Japanese Governments, and moreover the cooperation between the south Korea and the North Korea to cope with the issue of the damage claim.

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