Unstable Cohabitation with the Other: Representation of Minority Groups in Durian Durian

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-28
Author(s):  
CHEN LU
Keyword(s):  
1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Dominic McGoldrick ◽  
Geoff Gilbert

The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights relating only to their religion, such as the right to worship in community,2 to practise and profess their religion,3 to legal recognition as a church,4 to hold property5 and to determine its own membership,6 some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation are properly national or ethnic minorities–religion is merely one factor which distinguishes them from the other groups, including the majority, in the population. One example of the latter situation is to be seen in (Northern) Ireland where there is, in fact, untypically, a double minority: the Catholic-nationalist community is a minority in Northern Ireland, but the Protestant-unionist population is a minority in the island of Ireland as a whole.7 The territory of Northern Ireland is geographically separate from the rest of the United Kingdom. The recent peace agreement addresses a whole range of issues for Northern Ireland, but included are, on the one hand, rights for the populations based on their religious affiliation, their culture and their language and, on the other, rights with respect to their political participation up to the point of external self-determination. It is a holistic approach. Like any good minority rights agreement,8 it deals with both standards and their implementation and, like any good minority rights agreement, it is not a minority rights agreement but, rather, a peace settlement.


ULUMUNA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Asep Saepudin Jahar

This paper discusses the complex implementation of an ideal framework for governing religion in Indonesia and France. Every country is required to apply a balanced approach to protect internal interests on one hand and adapting to the world’s values on the other. In practice, however, it is never possible to achieve such an approach perfectly. By investigating the existing rules on religion and civil rights in Indonesia and France, this paper argues that minority groups in both countries have not been treated justly with respect to their religion. Using the case of Ahmadis in Indonesia and Muslims in France, the paper explains how both countries face formidable challenges in maintaining the balance between an internal policy of harmony and peace, and securing civic rights in accordance with international values. In sum, France and Indonesia share a similar dilemma in attempting to ensure that religious and civil rights are neutral and objective for all people. In such matters, limitations are unavoidable.


Author(s):  
Anthony Heath ◽  
Konstanze Jacob ◽  
Lindsay Richards

This chapter uses CIL4EU data to investigate strength of identification with the nation and with the ethnic group. It explores how these vary across ethnic and religious groups, generations, and destination countries and how far these differences can be explained by processes of social integration on the one hand or perceptions of being excluded on the other hand. The key findings are that young people with a migration background are less likely than those without a migration background to identify strongly with their country of residence. This holds true more or less irrespective of their ethnic group or religion. Differences between European and non-European minority groups, and between Muslims and members of other non-Christian religions were generally modest in size, rarely reached statistical significance and were dwarfed by the overall gap between minorities and the majority.


Author(s):  
Samira K. Mehta

Interfaith families that are also interracial are less able to seamlessly fit into “mainstream” American Jewish life, which is dominated by Ashkenazi culture and racially coded as white. On the one hand, this can make interactions in Jewish communities more challenging. On the other, these families are often given more freedom and flexibility for including traditions from the Christian side of the family than their white interfaith counterparts.


Author(s):  
Daniel Fedorowycz

Why were most ethnic minority organizations in interwar Poland permitted and sometimes encouraged by the state, when the ruling titular ethnic group pursued discriminatory policies against the same minority groups, faced hostility from these groups, and had the capacity to repress their organizations? Current literature focuses on repression as the main strategy deployed by states to manage these relationships. This article, on the other hand, asks why states allow minority organizations to operate. Using the logic of divide and rule, this article demonstrates that, in the case of multi-ethnic states, a state may prefer a plurality of organizations representing a certain minority ethnic group, particularly if the group is restive, in order to ensure that a united opposition cannot legitimately threaten the state’s political survival.


2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 59-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingunn Bjørkhaug ◽  
Morten Bøås ◽  
Tewodros Kebede

Abstract:Conflicts over local land rights between groups considered as “sons of the soil” and newcomers such as refugees can trigger autochthony-inspired violence. However, such conflicts are not always manifested, even when the conditions are in place. The question we explore in this article is whether such conflicts are less likely to emerge if the “other” is from a group with a longstanding bond of interethnic allegiance with the host community. Based on ethnographic data from host–refugee communities in Grand Gedeh, Liberia, we revisit previous attempts to explain economic and social relations between majority and minority groups. Our main finding is that in this part of Africa no prior special status will fundamentally alter the established ways of incorporating strangers into the community.


1983 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-185
Author(s):  
Emidio Sussi

This essay concentrates on the psycho-sociological and socio-cultural aspects of relations among ethnic groups in the Friuli-Venezia Giulia Region, especially between Slovenes and the other ethnic groups. Therefore it will not deal with the following two points: the ethno-minority problem of the Slovenes in Italy in demographic and ecologic terms (such as, for example, the number of members in a specific group, their territorial dislocation, etc.), or the problem of their socio-professional relations and of their institutional structures (such as, the distribution of minority group members in the professional stratification, the existence of economic, political and cultural structures within the minority groups, etc.).


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Roberta Medda-Windischer

Abstract Migration is an important reality for many sub-national autonomous territories where traditional-historical groups (so-called ‘old minorities’) live such as Flanders, Catalonia, South Tyrol, Scotland, Basque Country, and Quebec. Some of these territories have attracted migrants for decades, while others have only recently experienced significant migration inflow. The presence of old minorities brings complexities to the management of migration issues. Indeed, it is acknowledged that the relationship between ‘old’ communities and the ‘new’ minority groups originating from migration (so-called ‘new minorities’) can be rather complicated. On the one hand, interests and needs of historical groups can be in contrast with those of the migrant population. On the other hand, the presence of new minorities can interfere with the relationship between the old minorities and the majority groups at the state level and also with the relationship between old minorities and the central state as well as with the policies enacted to protect the diversity of traditional groups and the way old minorities understand and define themselves. The present lecture analyses whether it is possible to reconcile the claims of historical minorities and of new groups originating from migration and whether policies that accommodate traditional minorities and migrants are allies in the pursuit of a pluralist and tolerant society.


Author(s):  
Ruth DeSouza

This paper discusses the need for multi-cultural methodologies that develop knowledge about the maternity experience of migrant women and that are attuned to women’s maternity-related requirements under multi-cultural conditions. Little is known about the transition to parenthood for mothers in a new country, particularly when the country is New Zealand. This paper will challenge the positivist hegemony of previously completed research on migrant women by reflecting on my own experience as a researcher grounded in a broadly-based, pluralistic set of critical epistemologies that allowed me to uncover the issues and contexts that impacted on the experience of migrant women. It concludes by proposing that, where research occurs with minority groups, multiple research strategies are incorporated in order to prevent the reproduction of deficiency discourses.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-207
Author(s):  
Miftahul Huda

Group relation within any heterogeneous society in which people with their different characteristics and identities live together tends to run unequally due to the majorities’ domination toward minorities. Their spirit of domination is philosophically based on Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution “The Survival of the Fittest” which later incarnates itself in social domain and is used to justify that their domination upon minority groups is a kind of natural selection process. When this idea is perceived continuously from generation to generation, minorities will be the everlasting disadvantaged victims of the other group’s domination and suffer persistent annihilation and oppression, extending from the most moderate form like prejudice to the most extreme one such as discrimination. Besides being intended to discuss the complicated relation between majority and minority groups and explore the significance of the spirit of domination in determining the dynamics of group relation, this study is also aimed at offering some alternative ways to create egalitarian atmosphere in a heterogeneous society. Indeed, such new future is not impossible to be reached as far as reconciliation process is consistently carried out by both groups. Reconciliation, which might involve assimilation, accommodation, amalgamation, and pluralism, is the main key to realize equal and mutual relation between majority and minority groups


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