scholarly journals THE FINANCIAL POSITION OF THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY AND ITS RELIGIOUS OFFICIALS IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA

Author(s):  
Dragan Novaković

Implementing its policy, the new socialist government took various systematic measures to confiscate the major part of the property of the Islamic Community and, thus, make it dependant on the constant state aid. Understanding the reality and acting cooperatively and pragmatically, the newly elected leadership regulated their relations with the state and, thus, created the necessary room for manoeuvre, in order to lessen the harshness of taken measures, preserve the material substance and establish the basis for constant economic strengthening of the community and its religious officials. Carefully and cautiously implemented measures for solving the issue of vakuf properties, that initially had the form of registration and basic protection against dilapidation and, later, gained their original sense expressed through the standpoint that the proper attitude of all the structures of the religious community and the believers towards that issue was of crucial importance for preservation of Islam on Yugoslav territories. The processes of democratization and creating institutional assumptions for opening and solving some important issues, encouraged the Muslim intellectuals to start the debate on the confiscated property, and the Islamic Community leadership to publicly demand its return and use for the development of the Islamic education and culture. Freeing itself from the imposed mechanisms of control, continuously strengthening and feeling unconstrained in front of more and more obvious weaknesses of the state, the Islamic Community reactivated, started and successfully closed the complex process of reestablishing of the religious duty of collecting qurban skins and donations for forming the fund of Zakat and Zakat-ul-Fitr. Correctly estimating the sensibility of its members, the funds were publicly intended for founding of the Faculty of Islamic Studies and expansion of the schooling system, nevertheless, using the donations from foreign Islamic communities for completing the reconstruction of the planned buildings, indicated that the real aim of those activities was to discipline the believers and attach them to the Islamic Community. Handling those important issues, the Islamic Community created the conditions for constant improvement of the financial position of its religious officials, thus ensuring their loyalty and readiness for engagement in realization of all the planned activities, including implementation of measures for achieving certain political goals. Continuously stabilizing and strengthening its economic basis through the donations of the believers both from the country and abroad and the aid from the international Islamic organizations, the Islamic Community created the conditions for realization of an ambitious programme developed around the intensive erecting of religious buildings, education of religious officials adapted to modern conditions, expansion of the publishing activity, including women into the activities of the religious community, systematic religious education of the youngest generation and preparing for the times to come.

Author(s):  
Adrian Ciprian Ghinea

This research is based on the PACE recommendation and in this paper we will showcase some of the results. Our main purpose was to describe and analyse possibilities to achieve a moral and religious education by both family and school actors, as well as to come up with an inventory of suggestions for the improvement of this two-fold type of education. For this article we will only focus on a supportive objective, namely identifying the state-of-fact of religious and moral education in the North-Eastern region of Romania, more specifically the item concerning the effectiveness of religion and the belief that it provides answers to some problematical issues in the lives of the subjects selected for the study.


2000 ◽  
pp. 97-99
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi ◽  
Oleksandr N. Sagan

Ukraine is a multi-confessional state, where, as of January 1, 2000, 23 543 religious community organizations, monasteries, missions, fraternities, educational establishments belonging to 90 denominations, branches, churches are officially registered. (For comparison, at the beginning of 1991, the following organizations were registered in Ukraine: 9994, 1992 - 12962, 1993 - 15017, 1994 - 14962, 1995 - 16984, 1996 - 18 111, 1997 - 19110, 1998 - 20 406, 1999 - 21 843 organizations). In their property or use, there are over 16 637 religious buildings. Confessions have opened 250 convents, 184 missions, 49 brotherhoods, 121 religious schools, 7,165 Sunday schools and catechesis offices, and 194 periodicals. Religious needs of believers are satisfied by 21 281 priests, of whom 650 are foreigners.


2012 ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
L. Tsedilin

The article analyzes the pre-revolutionary and the Soviet experience of the protectionist policies. Special attention is paid to the external economic policy during the times of NEP (New Economic Policy), socialist industrialization and the years of 1970-1980s. The results of the state monopoly on foreign trade and currency transactions in the Soviet Union are summarized; the economic integration in the frames of Comecon is assessed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


Author(s):  
Maulana Akbar Shah @ U Tun Aung ◽  
Mohammed Farid Ali ◽  
Muhammad Adil Khan Afridi

Abstract Since the number of intricate problems with regard to peace and security faced by mankind on our sphere has been greater than what they can bear, the survival of human race on earth becomes a significant priority to be contemplated. Despite hard work and continued effort rendered by many experts, they face more serious issues and their resolutions are far from reality. It is because, in the author’s mind, rights and responsibilities are not properly observed. Particularly, in the area of religion people have lack of respecting the right of others and most of the times they are irresponsible. Every individual has their own choices according to their culture and belief which may not be acceptable to others. If every individual allows others to enjoy at their own choice while observing his own belief and tradition, we all can live in this world peacefully. This concept of living together with individual choice while respecting other’s choice may be called the concept of “agree to disagree” according to the author’s work. This ideology, which is yet to be well observed in our society, can surely replace violence with peaceful co-existence in the multi-religious and multi-cultural societies.   Keywords: Agree to Disagree, Mankind, Religious Dispute, Multi-Cultural Societies, peaceful Co-Existence. Abstrak Sejak masalah berkaitan dengan keharmonian dan keselamatan yang dialami manusia melebihi yang boleh ditanggung, kehidupan manusia di dunia ini menjadi satu keutamaan  yang perlu dipertimbangkan. Walaupun banyak usaha dan langkah diambil oleh pihak pakar, mereka mengalami masalah lain yang lebih serius dan resolusi mereka adalah jauh dari matlamat. Ini kerana, dalam minda pengarang, hak dan tanggungjawab tidak diperhatikan dengan betul. Terutamanya dalam hal agama, orang kekurangan kehormatan terhadap hak orang lain dan kebanyakkannya adalah tidak bertanggungjawab. Setiap individu mempunyai kepercayaan dan hak masing-masing yang tidak boleh diterima oleh yang lain. Jika setiap individu membenarkan yang lain untuk mempunyai kepercayaan dan hak masing-masing, manusia semua boleh hidup dengan aman. Konsep ini boleh dipanggil sebagai konsep “setuju untuk tidak bersetuju” menurut kajian pengarang. Ideologi ini, yang masih belum diperhatikan dengan sepenuhnya dalam masyarakat kita, pasti boleh menggantikan keganasan dengan kehidupan aman bersama dalam masyarakat berbilang kaum dan budaya. Kata Kunci: Setuju untuk Tidak Bersetuju, Manusia, Pertikaian Agama, Masyarakat Berbilang Agama, Kehidupan Aman Bersama.


Author(s):  
Dustin Gamza ◽  
Pauline Jones

What is the relationship between state repression of religion and political mobilization in Muslim-majority states? Does religious repression increase the likelihood that Muslims will support acts of rebellion against the state? This chapter contends that the effect of repression on attitudes toward political mobilization is conditional on both the degree of enforcement and the type of religious practice that is being targeted. When enforcement is high and the repressive regulation being enforced targets communal (rather than individualistic) religious practices, Muslims expect state persecution of their religious community to increase, and that this persecution will extract a much greater toll. They are thus more willing to support taking political action against the state in order to protect their community from this perceived harm. The chapter tests this argument with two novel survey experiments conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 2019. It finds that the degree of enforcement has a significant effect on attitudes toward political mobilization, but this effect is negative (reducing support) rather than positive (increasing support). The chapter also finds that repression targeting communal practices has a stronger effect on attitudes toward political mobilization than repression targeting individualistic practices, but again, these effects are negative. The chapter’s findings suggest that the fear of collective punishment increases as the degree of enforcement increases, particularly when it comes to repression targeting communal practices. Thus, while Muslims are motivated to protect their community from harm, it may be that the certainty of financial and physical harm outweighs the expectation of increasing religious persecution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Hamed Z. Jahromi ◽  
Declan Delaney ◽  
Andrew Hines

Content is a key influencing factor in Web Quality of Experience (QoE) estimation. A web user’s satisfaction can be influenced by how long it takes to render and visualize the visible parts of the web page in the browser. This is referred to as the Above-the-fold (ATF) time. SpeedIndex (SI) has been widely used to estimate perceived web page loading speed of ATF content and a proxy metric for Web QoE estimation. Web application developers have been actively introducing innovative interactive features, such as animated and multimedia content, aiming to capture the users’ attention and improve the functionality and utility of the web applications. However, the literature shows that, for the websites with animated content, the estimated ATF time using the state-of-the-art metrics may not accurately match completed ATF time as perceived by users. This study introduces a new metric, Plausibly Complete Time (PCT), that estimates ATF time for a user’s perception of websites with and without animations. PCT can be integrated with SI and web QoE models. The accuracy of the proposed metric is evaluated based on two publicly available datasets. The proposed metric holds a high positive Spearman’s correlation (rs=0.89) with the Perceived ATF reported by the users for websites with and without animated content. This study demonstrates that using PCT as a KPI in QoE estimation models can improve the robustness of QoE estimation in comparison to using the state-of-the-art ATF time metric. Furthermore, experimental result showed that the estimation of SI using PCT improves the robustness of SI for websites with animated content. The PCT estimation allows web application designers to identify where poor design has significantly increased ATF time and refactor their implementation before it impacts end-user experience.


Author(s):  
Alois Paulin

In this study the authors analyze the effects of e-government reforms that began in mid-90ies by confronting the promises which these reforms made to government performance in the period before and after the reforms took place. The authors use fiscal and performance indicators of the Slovenian government and courts to argue that e-government did not yield any notable effects on the state performance. Finally, the authors analyze the reasons why e-government technology cannot be regarded as sustainable and suggest a different approach towards researching how to sustainably improve governance for generations to come.


Horizons ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-305
Author(s):  
Lieven Boeve

ABSTRACTThe Church has the duty in every age of examining the signs of the times and interpreting them in the light of the gospel, so that it can offer in a manner appropriate to each generation replies to the continual human questionings on the meaning of this life and the life to come and on how they are related. There is a need, then, to be aware of, and to understand, the world in which we live, together with its expectations, its desires and its frequently dramatic character (Gaudium et spes 4).


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Clark

Abstract In 66 CE, the emperor Nero crowned the Parthian prince Tiridates I king of Armenia before the Roman people in the Forum Romanum. Much scholarship on Roman interactions with Parthia or Armenia focuses on histories of military conflict or diplomatic negotiation. Ritual and ceremonial evidence, however, is often taken for granted. This article uses the coronation to highlight a different way in which Rome articulated its relations with Parthia and Armenia to domestic and foreign audiences. It will show how Nero and his regime used the art of public spectacle to project an image of Roman superiority over Parthia and Armenia in spite of Roman military losses in the recent Armenian war. Tiridates, a Parthian prince and a brother of the Parthian king of kings, traveled to Rome to be crowned the first king of Armenia from the Parthian royal family. To receive this title, Tiridates passed by several monuments to Augustan triumphs over Parthia and Armenia in the Forum. He was also surrounded by a group of Roman citizens, who watched him as they would have watched a defeated foreign leader in a triumph. At the culmination of the ceremony, Tiridates performed proskynesis before Nero at the rostra Augusti and was granted his crown. Through Augustus’ monuments, the collective viewing of Tiridates, and his acts of public submission and deference to Nero, the crowning intimated a new narrative about the state of Roman-Parthian/Armenian relations. While Augustus had represented Parthian and Armenian defeat in art, Nero had compelled a representative of both Parthia and Armenia to come to Rome and kneel before the emperor. Both states were now subservient to Rome, which remained the dominant power in the East.


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