scholarly journals RELIGION, ELITES AND SANCTIONS IN NORTHEAST AFRICA: REGIONAL IMPACTS OF SUPERPOWER MESSIANISM

Author(s):  
Leonid L. Fituni

The article exposes the regional context of geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China in Northeast Africa (NEA) against the backdrop of the emerging formation of a new bipolar world order and the messianic ambitions of the superpowers. The author predicts a significant increase in NEA’s geo-economic and strategic importance, due to the dominant vectors of global development and aspects of national interests of each of their superpowers. The article offers a detailed analysis of the evolution of NEA’s confessional space through the last 50 years and of the role of religious factors in the superpower rivalry in the region. The author arrives to the conclusion that the ruling, business and religious elites of the region have taken a wait-and-see attitude in the battle unfolding between the superpowers and do not want to unambiguously associate themselves with either side.

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 182-197
Author(s):  
Caitlin Byrne

Summary Public diplomacy practice is intensifying across the Indo-Pacific as global actors compete to keep pace with the emerging geopolitical realities of a contested world order. China’s rise is the dominant feature. It comes as the United States retreats from global leadership, further heightening the sense of uncertainty in the region. Amid this strategic re-ordering, competition to influence narratives, set political agendas and frame the rules of a changing order is intense. The stakes for public diplomacy could not be higher and the implications for political leaders are significant. This article examines the role of Indo-Pacific political leaders through the lens of public diplomacy. While there are significant differences in approach, findings suggest that the imperative for political leaders to inform, engage and influence public audiences increasingly lies in the desire to shape the narrative and thus the nature of a regional order that will be favourable for their national interests.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter focuses on John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the most prominent imperial thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. It dissects Seeley's understanding of theology and religion, probes his views on the sacred character of nationality, and shows how he attempted to reconcile particularism and universalism in a so-called “cosmopolitan nationalist” vision. It argues that Seeley's most famous book, The Expansion of England (1883) should be understood as an expression of his basic political-theological commitments. The chapter also makes the case that he conceived of Greater Britain as a global federal nation-state, modeled on the United States. It concludes by discussing the role of India and Ireland in his polychronic, stratified conception of world order.


Author(s):  
T.B. Golam ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the role of Russia in the economic, political and social aspects of the СOVID-19 pandemic. The author considers publications of world leading research centers and think tanks as well as foreign policy decisions of leading world powers, considers relations between Russia and the United States as one of the most influential actors in the international struggle against the COVID-19 pandemic. Particular attention is paid to comparing different approaches to the international struggle against various epidemics and pandemics at the present stage. In conclusion the author makes a forecast on the possibility of the formation of a new world order in the post-pandemic period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (11) ◽  
pp. 163-173
Author(s):  
Yu. V. MOROZOV ◽  
◽  
A. R. NEUSTRROEVA ◽  

In modern conditions, Central Asia has begun to play an increasing role for non-regional actors, who are increasingly competing for a key role in this region. The first section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the significance of Central Asia and its problems. The second section analyzes American policy and strategy in the region. The third section examines China's interests and policies in Central Asia. The fourth section is devoted to the significance of the region for Russia's national interests. Conclusions concerning the role of Central Asia for the United States, China, and Russia are presented.


Author(s):  
Herb Boyd

This chapter considers the role of the Black press and, to a more limited extent, the Latino press in Obama's campaign. Given his desire to transcend race and ethnicity yet his need to mobilize Black and Latino voters, this specialized press played a key role in the campaign. Before Obama became the forty-fourth President of the United States, his campaign was viewed in three major ways by the media: There were those who cheered him along; those uncertain what to make of him but who retained a tame, mainstream, “wait and see” perspective; and those whose views ranged from “critically supportive” to firmly opposed. Since his election, there has been little change in these assessments, though at this time there is a clearer delineation between those for and against Obama in the mainstream media as they gather a better understanding of his pragmatic tendencies on policy and issues.


2011 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Véronique Pouillard

During the Great Depression, counterfeiters of the newest styles posed a challenge to the high-fashion designers who dominated Parisian design. Meanwhile, New York, traditionally the destination of the first corporate buyers of Paris couture, became a potential contender for the role of fashion capital. Scrutiny of French and American laws reveals that strong national interests were at stake in the fashion business. In France, the law safeguarded copyrights of fashion design while, in the United States, legislators denied such protection to American fashion.


Author(s):  
Michelle Vicky Gunawan

<p>Maritime security is an issue that is considered important by the United States. The role of the United States in the maritime sector is driven by its national interest. This encourages the United States to work with countries that have strategic geopolitical conditions such as Indonesia. This thesis aims to discuss the interests of the United States in Indonesia's maritime security sector, the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime security sector, and Indonesia's considerations in establishing cooperation with the United States. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparison of the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime sector in the period of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II and Joko Widodo I. Following the theory of neoclassical-realism and neo-realism International Relations is the product of states’ national interest and this includes Indonesian interest in cooperation. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive and comparative methods with data collection techniques through literature study and online search. The thesis finds an increase in the role of the United States in strengthening Indonesia's maritime security in 2009-2019 after the presence of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy. This increase is accommodated by and is based on the pursuit of the national interests of each party.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: </strong>Keamanan maritim merupakan salah satu isu yang dianggap penting oleh Amerika Serikat. Peranan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor maritim merupakan salah satu upaya pemenuhan kepentingan nasional negara. Hal tersebut mendorong Amerika Serikat menjalin kerja sama dengan negara yang memiliki kondisi geopolitik strategis seperti Indonesia. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai kepentingan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia, peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia dan pertimbangan Indonesia untuk menjalin kerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah memberikan perbandingan peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor kemaritiman Indonesia di periode Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II dan Joko Widodo I. Teori neoclassical-realism dan neo-realism menjelaskan bahwa Hubungan Internasional dapat terjadi karena dorongan kepentingan nasional. Sesuai dengan kenyataan, Indonesia juga memiliki kepentingan dalam kerja sama tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta metode deskriptif dan komparatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka dan penelusuran daring. Terdapat tiga hasil analisis dalam penelitian ini yang merupakan jawaban dari rumusan masalah yang dibuat oleh penulis. Dari hasil penelitian, dapat disimpulkan adanya peningkatan peran Amerika Serikat dalam memperkuat keamanan maritim Indonesia tahun 2009-2019 setelah adanya kebijakan Global Maritime Fulcrum. Peningkatan ini diwadahi oleh dan dilandasi tujuan untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan nasional masing-masing pihak terkait.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Lake

The pillars of the Pax Americana are decaying. There are two critical challenges. Our interests with our closest allies have been drifting apart for decades, with increasingly serious consequences. A new populist and economic nationalist coalition has been mobilized in the United States, challenging the internationalist coalition that has prevailed at home since the second World War. These challenges are not the product of President Donald J. Trump. He is the manifestation of these challenges, not their cause. Understanding these challenges requires examining anew the role of international legitimacy and authority in world politics and recognizing that different international orders have different distributional consequences. This essay summarizes my past research on the incentives for international hierarchy, integrates the role of domestic interests into that theory, and explores the nature and role of international legitimacy in the study of world order. Part II examines the Pax Americana, and contrasts this order with those found in the Caribbean basin and Middle East. The final section outlines the changing incentives for cooperation between the United States and Europe, discusses the rise of populism in the United States, and suggests ways of addressing the current challenges to internationalism.


Author(s):  
LI SHAOJUN

This chapter seeks to overcome the problem of strategic misunderstanding of China by setting out some of the cultural traditions and strategic concepts that underpin its behaviour. It does not deny that China has a long tradition of realpolitik but locates this internally in the desire for a ‘reliable defensive capability’; externally, China's strategy is geared towards institutional integration with international society. The discussion holds that China faces problems with regards to a world order centred on the United States (USA). Unipolar order means accepting US hegemony, but promoting multipolarity could mean confronting the USA and an end to China's peaceful rise. As a result, China should move away from a polarity perspective and concentrate on fulfilment of national interests by ‘joining and adapting’.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 56-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Puig

The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) differs in a few important ways from prior trade deals signed by the United States but reveals a glimpse of the infrastructure for a new era in international economic governance. This new “Geoeconomic World Order,” will be characterized by great power rivalry between the United States and China, the intense use of protectionist tools to achieve strategic and political goals, and the diminished role of legal adjudication. This approach to trade policy will likely outlast the autocratic and/or nationalistic governments emerging around the world, including the current Trump administration. While international trade law will recover, it will look different in key respects—it will be less multilateral, predictable, justiciable, and enforceable. This more transactional view of international trade law implies a limit on the role of law and an increase in the use of power. It may force a retrenchment of international interdependence and a revival of zones of influence prevalent during the Cold War era.


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