The Impact of China, the EU, and the US on Africa through the Lens of Output Growth and FDI

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 548-568
Author(s):  
Marvellous Ngundu ◽  
◽  
Nicholas Ngepah ◽  

This study uses a vector of FDI-weighted real gross domestic product (GDP) growth rates as proxy for the output growth of China, the European Union (EU), and the United States (US). Using a two-stage least squares estimator over a sample of 42 sub-Saharan African countries for the period 2003–2012, our findings reveal that only the EU’s output spillovers have a significant impact on sub-Saharan Africa’s growth: a 1% increase (decrease) in the EU’s output growth can lead to a 0.02% increase (decrease) in sub-Saharan Africa’s real GDP per capita. The results obtained from the panel threshold regression analysis indicate that this linkage is not conditional on the availability of natural resources, unlike the output spillovers from the US and China, which bear a positive impact only in countries with resource rents of at least 24.3% and 24.1%, respectively. These are mostly oil-abundant countries, implying that China’s motive for natural resources in Africa is not different from that of the US. While the resource rents threshold level of 24.3% can serve as the benchmark for natural resource management policies to benefit from both China and the US output spillovers, a diversified FDI is also encouraged to minimize the risk associated with the resource growth paradigm.

Economy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-34
Author(s):  
Nzeh Innocent Chile ◽  
Benedict I Uzoechina ◽  
Millicent Adanne Eze ◽  
Chika P Imoag ◽  
Ozoh Joan Nwamaka

The contention that deteriorating terms of trade exists in countries that rely heavily on the exploitation and export of natural resources motivated us in this study. We therefore sought to investigate the impact of terms of trade on economic growth in natural resource-rich sub-Saharan African countries. We carried out the study using annual series that span a period of 1990-2019 under the framework of panel Random and Fixed effects. Our findings indicate that a long run relationship exists between GDP and the explanatory variables used in the study. Results also show that, while cross-section random effects indicates that terms of trade positively impacts on GDP, period fixed effects shows that terms of trade negatively impacts on GDP even though it is not significant. Results of our study also show that in all the models, labour force total and FDI have positive impact on GDP, while trade openness impacts on GDP negatively. We therefore recommend that the SSA natural resource-rich countries should diversify their economies away from the traditional natural resources base. Also human capital should be improved through sound education and training, while all the bottlenecks that constrain the inflow of foreign direct investment should be dismantled.


Author(s):  
Kateryna Danchenko ◽  
Olga Taran

The purpose of this article is to study the criminal liability of medical professionals in cases of suspension, in accordance with jurisprudence in Ukraine, the European Union and the United States of America (USA). He made the comparative method. According to the investigation, the number of criminal proceedings in Ukraine by the authority and misconduct of medical doctors is about 2% per population, my figure that rises to 30% in Europe and is the stable yes in the US and is 28%. 32%. The main objective of the article is often area identify specializations in the medical office occurs with the mayor based on Ukrainian jurisprudence (data from Ukraine’s only state judicial decision register from 2016 to 2019). In addition, the study analyses the impact of the main influences on the ability of medical professionals for their professional functions. From counting the results show that surgeons, gynecologists, paramedics, and anesthesiologists are the most prone to deviation and medical error. Key proposed criteria have been proposed as medical errors differ from medical writing.


Author(s):  
Eleanor M. Fox ◽  
Mor Bakhoum

This chapter identifies four clusters of nations based on state of development, in order to highlight significant qualitative differences that may call for different law and policies. The first cluster comprises the least developed sub-Saharan African countries with the most resource-challenged competition authorities, such as Benin and Togo. The second cluster compromises nations that have advanced economically to a perceptibly higher level. The third cluster is a “group” of one—South Africa. With all of its challenges, the South African competition regime is as close to a gold standard as there is in sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, for comparison, the fourth cluster comprises the developed countries, led in particular by the European Union and the United States. These nations have open economies, fairly robust markets, good infrastructure, and good institutions. The chapter proceeds to identify, from the point of view of each of the clusters, the most fitting competition framework nationally and globally. The chapter proposes how the divergences can be brought into sympathy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 382-408
Author(s):  
Marvellous Ngundu ◽  
Nicholas Ngepah

This study examines comparatively the growth effects of FDI from China, the European Union, the US and the rest of Asia in Sub-Saharan Africa for the period 2003–2012. We develop theoretical arguments from the existing literature to show that differences in FDI data sources, methodological and econometric approaches may be part of the explanation for mixed findings of previous empirical studies, precisely on the growth effects of Chinese FDI in Africa. Our results using bilateral FDI data compiled by UNCTAD, the FDI-augmented version of the Solow growth model and the 2SLS estimator indicate a significantly negative direct impact of Chinese FDI on growth in Sub-Saharan Africa while the impact of other FDI sources is statistically insignificant. JEL Classification: B22, E22, F43


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-59
Author(s):  
Viktoriya Mashkara-Choknadiy ◽  
Yuriy Mayboroda

The pandemic of COVID-19 has influenced all sectors of social life, including the global economy and trade relations. The year of 2020 was marked with significant changes in internal and foreign economic policy of almost all nations. The purpose of the paper is to study the measures taken by the EU and the USA as the world's leading economies to regulate their foreign trade in the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The tasks of the study are to show the influence of the crisis on changes of global trade policy in front of the threat to national security. Methodology. The study is based on the results of statistical analysis of data provided the WTO and the UNCTAD. The authors show an analytical assessment of the foreign trade indicators of the EU and the USA. Methods of comparison and generalization were used to formulate conclusions on regulatory trends in foreign trade of the US and the EU. Results allowed identifying specific features and changes in the regulation of foreign trade of the EU and the US, assessing the impact of the pandemic on their foreign trade. It was found that both mentioned players of the world economy have actively introduced both deterrent and liberalization measures during 2020, which were aimed at providing the domestic market with scarce COVID-related goods. The study shows the transition from export restricting to import liberalizing measures in foreign trade policies from the start of pandemic to the late 2020. Practical implications. Understanding and predicting the possible actions of partners (the US and the EU in this case) in the field of foreign trade regulation is an important practical aspect, which has to be taken into account when developing Ukraine's foreign trade policy. Value/originality. The study of foreign trade policy of the world's leading countries allows us to understand the behavior of governments of the countries that are largely dependent on participation in international trade in their development, to draw conclusions about the most common instruments of foreign trade policy in the time of humanitarian and economic crises.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (12) ◽  
pp. 2033-2051 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Adjei Dwumfour ◽  
Elikplimi Komla Agbloyor ◽  
Joshua Yindenaba Abor

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how remittances, financial development (FD), and natural resources and their different transmission channels can be used to reduce poverty in Africa. Design/methodology/approach Using the Human Development Index (HDI) as the measure of welfare, the authors specify these relationships using the System GMM estimator approach. Findings The authors hypothesise that for remittance to effectively improve welfare, the recipient of remittances must have access to credit to profitably utilise the monies. Again, the authors assert that FD can be effective in improving welfare when development of the sector actually benefits the poor. The authors provide empirical support for these hypotheses using 54 African countries covering the period 1990-2012. The findings also show that the North African region has been able to utilise its oil rents in particular to improve welfare unlike the Sub-Saharan counterpart. Originality/value This paper is the first to jointly estimate the impact of remittances, FD, and natural resources on welfare using a comprehensive measure of poverty – HDI.


Author(s):  
O.Y. Cheban ◽  
A.S. Kraskova

It is proven in the paper that the chosen topic is relevant due to the impact of China and the EU on the negotiations about the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. In the article, it is done a comparative analysis of the policy of the EU and China regarding the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s problem. It is also mentioned in the paper that since the time of the US presidential administration of Donald Trump, the EU and China have been seen as valuable actors in resolving the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. For this reason, the main purpose of the work is a review of the influence that China’s and EU’s policies regarding the development of the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) exert on European security. The history of China-Iran relations in the nuclear sphere and the important role of China in the development of the Iranian nuclear program is mentioned in the paper. It is also noted that the fact that the EU countries are partners or allies of the United States, which is the main rival of the IRI, has complicated the dialogue between the European Union and Iran. It is shown in the paper that during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, the Iranian nuclear program was not controlled by the international community, and because of that China supported sanctions of the UN Security Council against Iran. As it is mentioned in the article, until the end of the 2000s, the EU, as well as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), did not support the US policy toward Iran. The Iranian-Chinese relations in the nuclear field were studied. It is mentioned that despite the fact that China is interested in exporting Iranian energy resources, Beijing will never accept Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons. It is assumed that the fact that China does not support the nuclear weapons status of Iran gives it the opportunity to cooperate with the EU in case Iran decides to acquire nuclear weapons. It is noticed that China had a major impact on the negotiations related to signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), i. e. the nuclear agreement with Iran. The further actions of the EU and the PRC after the dissolution of the JCPOA are mentioned in the paper. The scenarios of further development of the situation around the Iranian nuclear program were reviewed. As a result of the research, it is concluded that China and the EU have played a significant role in achieving the JCPOA and conducting diplomatic negotiations with Iran. The strengthening of Beijing’s role as a key partner of Teheran and the decrease of the EU’s impact on Iran’s foreign policy were mentioned in the paper.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 211-246
Author(s):  
Catherine Donnelly

AbstractThe aim of this chapter is to assess what, if anything, administrative law can demonstrate about multi-level administration in the European Union and the United States. The particular focus of the examination is not on the content of administrative law in each legal order, but rather on the impact of EU and US federal administrative law on the Member States and US States respectively. It will be seen that, while US federal administrative law has primarily only influential effect on US States, EU administrative law is often binding on Member States. This observation challenges presumptions often made, particularly in political science, as to the degrees of inter-penetration in administration in the EU and the US. It will be argued that the cause of divergence is largely derived from differing judicial attitudes as to the fundamental tenets of the co-operation between the different levels of administration, and indeed, more general understandings of federalism in the two jurisdictions. In this way, this study also provides a useful prism through which to consider integration in the EU and US more broadly.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 211-246
Author(s):  
Catherine Donnelly

Abstract The aim of this chapter is to assess what, if anything, administrative law can demonstrate about multi-level administration in the European Union and the United States. The particular focus of the examination is not on the content of administrative law in each legal order, but rather on the impact of EU and US federal administrative law on the Member States and US States respectively. It will be seen that, while US federal administrative law has primarily only influential effect on US States, EU administrative law is often binding on Member States. This observation challenges presumptions often made, particularly in political science, as to the degrees of inter-penetration in administration in the EU and the US. It will be argued that the cause of divergence is largely derived from differing judicial attitudes as to the fundamental tenets of the co-operation between the different levels of administration, and indeed, more general understandings of federalism in the two jurisdictions. In this way, this study also provides a useful prism through which to consider integration in the EU and US more broadly.


2018 ◽  
pp. 11-27
Author(s):  
Peter Finn ◽  
Robert Ledger

The Mueller investigation into Russian interference in the US 2016 Presidential election has dogged the Trump administration, almost from the beginning of its time in office. The impact of the probe is widespread and affecting the United States in myriad ways both domestically and in foreign policy. We contend that, regarding US-European relations, the Mueller investigation is hastening two broad trends. Firstly, the continuing revelations are pushing the traditional US foreign policy establishment closer towards Europe. Secondly, and simultaneously, these revelations, as well as the continued actions of the President himself, are acting as a source of tension in US-European relations that are pushing European elites into awkward policy choices. The Mueller investigation has uncovered an ill-defined Russian strategy of sowing discord during the 2016 election cycle, matching other initiatives in Europe itself. In the rhetoric of prominent American politicians, it has succeeded. Donald Trump has been loath - unlike his verboseness towards the majority of the US's traditional allies - to criticise the Russian state. Meanwhile, the US Congress has tightened sanctions against Russia. While Trump has distanced himself from the European Union on issues such as the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Iranian Nuclear Deal, other parts of the US polity – from city to mayors to state governors and Congress itself – have sought to reinforce relationships with European countries. The forthcoming 2018 midterm Congressional elections are likely to result in an exacerbation of the process, particularly if there are further allegations of Russian cyber-attacks. The impact on European leaders is varied. Whereas the German government wants to push ahead with a new gas pipeline, which would increase reliance on Russian energy supplies, the EU has thus far held firm over sanctions and presented a united front denouncing the alleged Russian state-sponsored use of a nerve agent in Britain. This paper will aim to explore the impact of the Mueller investigation on these two trends and the effect on wider US-European relations.


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