Viacheslav Ivanov in the 1930s: The Russian Poet as Italian Humanist

Slavic Review ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 896-918
Author(s):  
Emily Wang

In the 1930s, Viacheslav Ivanov – erstwhile leader of Russian symbolism – found himself suspended between two totalitarian regimes, Stalin's Soviet Union and Mussolini's Italy. A Soviet citizen living in Italy, he adapted to his new circumstances, converting to Catholicism and embracing Italian cultural traditions, including Petrarch's legacy of transnational humanism. In this period, however, fascist and Nazi thinkers were also claiming humanism for their own nationalist purposes. In his Italian-language writings, Ivanov navigates these dangerous waters by attempting to represent himself as simultaneously national and transnational, and as both a Russian poet and a latter-day Italian humanist.

Author(s):  
Peter Bernholz

Totalitarian regimes and terrorist groups striving to create them are characterized by ideologies with lexicographic preference orderings. This means that they demand that their followers sacrifice everything, if required, including the lives of others and of themselves to reach the aims postulated. More than twenty such regimes have existed, from the Mongolian and Aztec Empires among the first, to much later Nazi Germany and the Communist Soviet Union, and in recent years to the rule of the Taliban in Afghanistan and ISIS in Syria and Iraq. This means that the respective ideologies are usually very different, but that all follow a lexicographic preference order. This chapter studies the development, success, and demise of such regimes, which usually persecute, torture, and even kill nonbelievers, and often are engaged in bloody wars of expansion with many victims. This is also the case concerning their secularly or religiously based aims, which, moreover, characteristically control their behavior concerning the lifestyle of their populations, the arts, and their culture. Totalitarian regimes that have reached their aims are called mature ideocracies. They are characterized by the fact that the whole population has accepted (or at least pretends to accept) the ruling ideology.


Author(s):  
Frederick H. White

Andrei Bely (1880–1934) was a writer of prose, poetry, literary criticism and memoirs, as well as a leading theorist and representative of the ‘second wave’ of Russian Symbolism. Music and philosophy first interested Bely as is evident in his four prose Symphonies (1902–1908) and a collection of poetry, Gold in Azure (1904). Following the failed 1905 Revolution, Bely’s poetry became more pessimistic. The mystical enthusiasm of his early poetry was replaced by images of disillusionment in two later collections: Ashes and The Urn (both 1909). In 1910, Bely published his first novel, The Silver Dove, yet it was his second, Petersburg (1916), which is considered to be among the finest novels of the twentieth century. Bely’s remaining prose works were much less successful. At the end of his life, Bely was under increasing pressure by Soviet officials to re-remember elements of the modernist movement. As a result, Bely’s memoirs are highly unreliable, but fascinating as examples of cultural coercion in the Soviet Union. Today, Bely is remembered as one of the principal voices of Russian Symbolism at its inception—and then one of its main apologists, after the movement fell out of fashion in the Soviet Union.


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES L. GIBSON ◽  
RAYMOND M. DUCH

Political tolerance is a democratic value that has often been studied by those interested in the relationship between mass public opinion and democracy. Yet most research efforts have been mounted in relatively democratic regimes. Little is known about political tolerance in relatively totalitarian regimes. The authors' purpose in this article is to explore intolerance within the mass public of the Soviet Union. Focusing on two surveys of public opinion conducted in the USSR in 1990, the authors demonstrate that political intolerance is fairly widespread in the Soviet Union. Moreover, the objects of intolerance are focused, not dispersed pluralistically. Many of the predictors of intolerance found useful in the West (e.g., perceptions of threat, closed-mindedness) are also good predictors in the Soviet Union. Level of education plays an especially interesting role, contributing to support for more general democratic values, but not directly to political tolerance. The authors conclude this article by speculating about the future of the democratization process in the USSR in light of regnant intolerance in that country.


Slavic Review ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 406-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Silver

The linguistic behavior of the titular nationalities of the five Central Asian union republics of the Soviet Union illustrates that when groups with distinctive languages and cultural traditions come into contact with one another, very complex linguistic adjustments can occur. This essay examines the relationship between the continued use of the non-Russian languages as mother tongues and the spread of Russian as a second language among Central Asians. Central Asians display an interesting response to the conflicting pressures to learn Russian as an aid to upward social mobility and to maintain traditional languages as a sign of identity with the ethnic group. While remaining strongly attached to their national languages, they are simultaneously moderately attracted to Russian as a second language.


Author(s):  
Gabriel Insausti

ABSTRACT: Throughout his life, Joseph Brodsky clung stubbornly to a set of habits and tastes. One of his most outstanding and surprising loyalties was his writing a Christmas poem every year, which in time produced around thirty different pieces. Among these is the remarkable «Dec 24, 1971», his last Christmas poem before he left the Soviet Union, which contains a reference to his idea of «empire» –a criticism of totalitarian regimes– plus an idea of Christianity as a religion of hospitality and brotherhood. KEYWORDS Brodsky; Christmas; Modernism; Empire; Hospitality. RESUMEN: Durante toda su vida, Joseph Brodsky se aferró a algunas costumbres y predilecciones. Una de estas proverbiales fidelidades fue la de escribir todos los años un poema navideño, lo que dio lugar a un corpus que incluye cerca de treinta piezas. Una de las más sobresalientes es «Dec 24, 1971», que contiene un enésimo tratamiento del tema del imperio y una idea del cristianismo como religión de la hospitalidad y la fraternidad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 127-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Suchkov

The article addresses the problems of inclusive education development through the prism of ethnocultural factors. A small comparative analysis of inclusive education development is given: legislative and law basis, cultural traditions in Russia and Kyrgyzstan, language and customs. The ethnocultural factor of inclusive education development is expressed through the language of “study” at schools and professional educational organizations. The author emphasizes the signs of our time – language assimilation in the countries of the former Soviet Union. It is shown that many parents in the north of Kyrgyzstan send their children, including children with disabilities, to study at Russian schools, and it causes additional barriers in learning, along with the barriers caused by physical and intellectual disabilities.


Author(s):  
Leigh Kamolins

CESAA 17TH ANNUAL EUROPE ESSAY COMPETITION 2009 - Postgraduate winner: Leigh Kamolins, Monash UniversityThe influence of multiple totalitarian regimes has resulted in the Latvia of today becoming a multi-ethnic society. The reinstatement of Latvia’s outdated 1922 constitution following independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, failed to deal with the demographic changes that had taken place under Soviet rule. Notably, protections for minority groups were given no constitutional, nor subsequent legislative backing. This was only partially addressed under the EU’s Copenhagen Criteria requirement on minority protections as part of the accession process. As the situation was not fully dealt with during accession, the language rights of minorities of Latvia continue to be impacted on. This article examines paradoxes in EU policy towards minority languages. It is argued that given this historic context, the current system of EU languages is discriminatory and unduly impacts on the linguistic rights of a large proportion of the Latvian and broader EU populace.


Author(s):  
Alexey A. Iakovlev ◽  
◽  
Ekaterina A. Pchelko-Tolstova ◽  
Gennadiy P. Andreev ◽  

Modern science is, as Thomas Kuhn pointed out in his fundamental work The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, a science that develops in stages: “scientific revolution” – “nor­mal science” – “scientific revolution”. During periods of normal functioning of science, the rules of testing and testing show established and perceived without reflection para­digms, but in the case of technical disciplines, this rule does not work, since technical paradigms do not change according to the same rules as other scientific paradigms. To change technical paradigms, you only need to accept them by the expert community – you also need to accept them by technical consumers. The article discusses the difficul­ties of defining the concepts of “technology” and “technical knowledge” as knowledge about artifacts, their use and the consequences of their use (Bernhard Irrgang). On two examples of the control of technical paradigms in two totalitarian regimes of the twenti­eth century (Lysenkoism, or Lysenkovshchina and “Aryan physics”), the role of para­digms in the situation of ideological control is presented. In these cases, we used at­tempts to “correct” genetics and quantum physics (more precisely, to completely abandon it), respectively. Of course, this control brought biology in the Soviet Union and physics in Nazi Germany to the brink of disaster. In this article, with the help of Gisle Solbu's theory of epi-knowing (knowledge at the general educational level), we propose solutions to the problem of purposeful ideological interference in the scientific and ideo­logical adjustments of not only scientific paradigms, but also scientific paradigms.


Slavic Review ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynne Viola

The question of the perpetrator is largely uncharted territory in the history of the Soviet Union. The term is rarely used in the historiography of the Stalinist Soviet Union. In part, this omission is based upon a reluctance to go beyond Iosif Stalin in assigning agency or responsibility for the immense crimes of his reign. In part, the omission derives from decades-long restrictions on archival access. Lynne Viola begins with an exploration of the postwar trajectories of the historiographies of the mid-twentieth century's classically paired “totalitarian” regimes in order to understand the relative absence of “perpetrator studies” for the Stalinist 1930s. She then examines the question of the Soviet perpetrator, less to demarcate who the perpetrator was than to offer a conceptualization of the range of factors that enabled, conditioned, and shaped their violent acts. Intended to raise questions for further study, Viola's article is complemented by comments from Wendy Goldman and Peter Fritzsche.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Kosta Nikolić

Marxism was not merely a teaching of historical or economic materialism; it was also a teaching about the rescue, a “Messianic mission”, of the proletariat, about a perfect society due in the future, a teaching of the man’s power and defeat of the irrational forces of nature and society. The features of the selected “People of God” have been transferred onto the proletariat. A logically contradictory blend of materialist, scientific-deterministic and non-moralist elements with the idealistic, moralistic and religious mythmaking elements has existed in the Marxist system. Marx created the proletariat myth and his mission was object of faith. Marxism was not merely a science and politics, but also a religion. His power was based on this.Communist atheism represented a type of “apophatic theology”, the next step of development that should lead to deletion of the theological component. The most significant features of this process were violence and totalitarianism. The energy of negation of the previous religious concept was transferred into affirmation of the new, terrestrial hierarchy. That is how the god-type leaders appeared quite rapidly as the state forms of the service and worshipping of God, which represented more than good conditions for the formation of personality cults. Just like all religions, communism is irrational, dogmatic and based on faith, rather than on science. Just like Christianity and Islam, communism had its own scriptures, the works of Marx, Lenin and Stalin. Just like most other religions, required irrational faith; the people living in communist countries had to cherish absolute faith in the order and its leaders, whereas the others were treated as classic heretics.Like in the Soviet Union, the totalitarian political power in Yugoslavia was imposed through sacralization of the Communist party and its leader. The most important elements in this process were the level of party Manichaeism, viewing of the party as the center of “holiness” surrounded by the sinister “mass of enemies”. A new faith was developed over time, which replaced the original tendency to have things improved. Communists were unforgiving in treating their political opponents as deadly enemies. Any connivance was experienced by the representatives of “new religion” as “intolerable weakness”.In the overly religious world at the turn of 20th century one of the instantly obvious characteristics of communism as ideology was the apparently clear lack of religiousness. When it turned out that “the plagues of communism had brought nothing more than death and poverty, totalitarian regimes and tyrants”, offending of atheists, especially after the world wars, by labeling them communists was widespread very much. And indeed, communism did not appear to have any gods, churches or holy books. Nevertheless a logical question came up why an apparently godless ideology has caused a catastrophe of such scale. The answer is more than simple: that ideology was far from atheistic, communism contains all the most specific features of religion, so it is no wonder it has brought so much pain, suffering and death.


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