A Tale about Poland – Introduction to the Situation in Poland

2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-606
Author(s):  
Peter Oliver Loew

This article provides an in-depth insight into the “Polish peculiarities” that substantially continue to affect the current situation in the country - a country where the rule of law is in danger, where politics and society are dramatically divided, and where images of existent or invented enemies seem to dominate the political and cultural discourse. The article concludes that many questions remain open regarding the respect for the rule of law. The “tale of Poland” is not yet finished: there are several possible scenarios for Poland, ranging from progressing radicalization, to maneuvering of the government in order to satisfy the EU as well as the domestic national-Catholics, to the destruction of the government camp and the return of a majority of the electorate towards pro-European, liberal politics.

Author(s):  
Charlotte Heyl

In a liberal conception of democracy, courts play an important role in facilitating the rule of law by controlling the abidance to rules and by holding the political branches of government accountable. The power of constitutional review is a crucial element for exercising horizontal accountability. Courts across Africa are vested with the power of constitutional review, and, generally speaking, their independence has substantially increased since the beginning of the 1990s—although African courts enjoy overall less independence than the global average for courts’ independence. Within the African region, the level of judicial independence varies widely, between contexts that rarely allow judicial independence and contexts where courts have more power to challenge the government. Furthermore, across the continent, African courts experience undue interference—which frequently takes place informally. Informal interference can occur through the biased appointments of judges, verbal and physical threats, violent attacks, the payment of bribes, or the ouster of sitting judges. Informal networks—held together by ties based on shared educational trajectories, common leisure activities, religion, kinship relations, or political affiliations—are the channels through which such pressure can be transmitted. Yet judges also can actively build informal networks: namely, with the legal community, civil society, and international donors, so as to insulate themselves against undue interference and to increase institutional legitimacy. Research has shown that the agency of judges and courts in signaling impartial decision-making, as well as in reaching out to society, is crucial to constructing legitimacy in the African context. In contrast, the explanatory power of electoral competition as an incentive for power holders to support judicial independence is not straightforward in the context of Africa’s political regimes, where the prospect of losing office is associated with financial, and in some cases even physical, insecurity. However, research on judicial politics in Africa is still only preliminary, because the field requires more comparative studies in order to fully reveal the political repercussions on Africa’s judiciaries as well as to delineate the scope conditions of the prominent theories explaining judicial independence.


Subject European Commission concerns about the rule of law in Poland. Significance The Commission has sent a formal Opinion to the Polish government, activating the first stage in the EU's 'Rule of Law Framework'. It expresses concerns about respect for the rule of law in Poland (a fundamental founding value of the EU), and in particular about the Polish government's handling of the crisis over the Constitutional Tribunal (TK, for Trybunał Konstytucyjny) Impacts Poland's EU position is likely to suffer as a result of the dispute, making it more difficult for it to achieve other political goals. Polish politics will remain unsettled and polarised, with the opposition using the Commission's Opinion to challenge the government. Legal uncertainty may translate into lower investment by individuals and enterprises dampening economic growth in the medium-to-long term.


Author(s):  
Łukasz ZAMĘCKI ◽  
Viktor GLIED

This paper examines developments in Poland following the 2015 elections and in Hungary since 2010, which included the gradual destruction of democratic institutions, challenges to the rule of law, as well as to the system of checks and balances. The authors consider the Ziblatt–Levitsky model (2018) as a meaningful framework for the analysis of the way in which the power structure was reshaped and have based their research on the classification set out in this model. Our objective is to present the political changes that took place in the two Central-Eastern-European countries during the last decade that resulted in the process under Article 7 being used for the first time in the history of the EU. The paper conclusion is that the path of de-democratization of Hungary and Poland is seen from the perspective of the EU and Council of Europe, as similar one. In actions taken toward both countries, the EU concerns mostly the principle of the rule of law.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-563
Author(s):  
Olena Yatsunska

In the current situation of societal modernization and transformation of the political system of Ukraine, one of the most important problems facing the country is the formation of a system of local self-government that can act effectively. If this institution is not developed and strengthened, there can be no discussion of the establishment of democratic, social government, of the development of the rule of law, or of an expansion of the infrastructure of civil society.


Diametros ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Samonek

In this paper I discuss the political value of the right to privacy. The classical accounts of privacy do not differentiate between privacy as the right of a citizen against other citizens vs. the right to privacy as the right against the state or the government. I shall argue that this distinction should be made, since the new context of the privacy debate has surpassed the historical frames in which the intelligence methods used by governments were comparable to those available to individuals. I also present cases in which political privacy serves as an instrument of protecting important collective agendas exceeding the context of personal privacy. I argue that due to its function, political privacy should be considered a necessary element of democratic governance with the rule of law, imposing legal bounds on governments’ discretionary actions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-56
Author(s):  
Gugun El Guyanie , Okky Alifka Nurmagulita

This article examines the drafting of the Omnibus Law on the Job Creation Bill, the original purpose of which was to facilitate investment or accelerate the economy. Starting from the disharmony of several overlapping regulations, out of sync between one law and another in the investment sector, a universal sweeping law that contains thousands of articles is needed. This study uses the theory of the formation of laws and regulations and the perspective of legal politics, with juridical analysis, to explain how a process of drafting a law, the principles of formation, and the political dynamics that gave birth to it. This paper emphasizes that the process and politics of the Omnibus Law legislation on the Job Creation Bill has minimal public participation and is not transparent. So the legal product of the Job Creation Law is formally flawed, and materially contains articles that are capitalist in content, opening up investment for investors but on the other hand harming the people. In this study, it was also found that the Omnibus Law of the Job Creation Act was born with more character instrumentalist-oligarchic, where the government transplants the Omnibus Law solely as a short-term pragmatic option to spread the 'red carpet' for investors. In other words, the Omnibus Law fails to create an instrumentalist-democratic character, which is oriented towards fulfilling and strengthening the values ​​of the rule of law which is long-term oriented while at the same time creating a sustainable participatory-democratic climate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Spasimir Domaradzki ◽  
Ivana Radić Milosavljević

This article explores how national executives in Serbia and Bulgaria address European Union (EU) rule of law conditionality by framing it within the populism/technocracy dichotomy. The rule of law remains one of the main problems of EU relations with the two countries. While acknowledging the nuances of pre- and post-enlargement Europeanisation, this article explores the technocratic and populist narratives exploited by the national executives in their interactions with the EU and their domestic public. Rather than positioning the current executives unequivocally either as populist or technocratic, we argue that the political elites act strategically in using both populist and technocratic techniques towards their publics when explaining interaction with the EU. We explore the extent this type of executive behaviour is determined by the countries’ formally different status. While we look for the levels of possible similarity and distinction in the two cases/countries stemming from their different EU membership status, our findings confirm the existence of strategic defensive populist and technocratic techniques applied towards the EU and the national public in both countries The aim of this strategy is to mitigate the impact of the EU rule of law pressure and to secure the persistence of the existing rule of law shortcomings within the process of European integration. Interestingly, our research did not identify substantial impact of the formally different status towards the EU of the two countries.


FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Jeffry Rananda

The formation of The government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor? How does the process of formation of the government regulation a substitute for the law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2014 on the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor studied in the political perspective of the law? A substitute for the law of regulation making process shows again that the law is a product of politics. The fact that a political institutions, that chooses to create the rule of law. Although empirically then the law will be reset the political institutions. A substitute for the law of regulation is a Ius Constitutum as regulations on local elections. However, A substitute for the act of regulation it will not be effective because it is only temporary. A substitute for the Law of regulation attestation required then it becomes a law or made the latest Law. Keywords: The government regulation a substitute for the Law, Legal Politics


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 252-267
Author(s):  
Frederick V. Perry ◽  
Scheherazade S. Rehman

This paper provides insight into the evolving EU-wide corporate governance systems and discusses these changes within the context of the political-institutional, economic, legal and social features. In doing so, asking where are they, and where might they be headed? Specific attention is given to the comparison of the German and French system to the U.S. system. Moreover, this article also examines the evidence that varying legal and social traditions and rule of law directly impact corporate governance styles and efficiency. It is our contention that during the 1990s the EU nations experienced strong pressures to develop more effective corporate governance systems, tending toward the Anglo-Saxon model as applied in the U.S. and that this trends continues today especially among the large global multinationals.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Sulistyowati Sulistyowati

The dynamic changes in the Law on Election for Governors, Regents, and Mayors prove that there are dynamics and progressiveness in the implementation of Pilkada. The process of the birth of laws, including the process of the birth of amendments to the Law, is a legal political process. The legal political process is under the authority of the legislator. The approach method used is normative juridical method. The power of legislators in the political and legal process is not absolute, because the government also has a domain of authority, although not as big as the authority of legislators. The result states that The legal political process always rests on the principle of normative democracy as the embodiment of the das sollen principle. At the level of implementation of the rule of law, there will always be legal anomalies, because there is a mismatch between normative democracy as the embodiment of the basic principle with empirical democracy as the embodiment of the basic sein principle. The legitimacy of a single candidate in Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents, and Mayors makes the preferences of political parties increasingly pragmatism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document