scholarly journals How is Political Privacy Different from Personal Privacy? An Argument from Democratic Governance

Diametros ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Samonek

In this paper I discuss the political value of the right to privacy. The classical accounts of privacy do not differentiate between privacy as the right of a citizen against other citizens vs. the right to privacy as the right against the state or the government. I shall argue that this distinction should be made, since the new context of the privacy debate has surpassed the historical frames in which the intelligence methods used by governments were comparable to those available to individuals. I also present cases in which political privacy serves as an instrument of protecting important collective agendas exceeding the context of personal privacy. I argue that due to its function, political privacy should be considered a necessary element of democratic governance with the rule of law, imposing legal bounds on governments’ discretionary actions.

Author(s):  
Jessica Lake

This chapter examines cases in which a right to privacy was invoked by women to protest against violations of their bodies or the bodies of their newborn babies. This chapter offers a history of the right to privacy that charts the ways in which the law traditionally “protected” women’s bodies by treating them as male property and confining them to the home. The advent of the camera, its ability to penetrate physical and temporal boundaries, and its creation of movable as well as moving images, brought into question the efficacy of laws such as trespass and nuisance (grounded in physical structures) to protect personal privacy. To highlight the new invasions inflicted by the camera, I compare the cases of DeMay v Roberts and Feeney v Young, which involved the optic violation of a woman’s reproductive body by a stranger’s eyes and a camera respectively. Using a series of medical cases, I argue that many women invoked a right to privacy to protest against the transformation of their bodies (and the bodies of their dead deformed infants) into voyeuristic spectacles of “monstrosity”.


Author(s):  
Agnese Reine-Vītiņa

Mūsdienās tiesības uz privāto dzīvi nepieciešamas ikvienā demokrātiskā sabiedrībā, un šo tiesību iekļaušana konstitūcijā juridiski garantē fiziskas personas rīcības brīvību un vienlaikus arī citu – valsts pamatlikumā noteikto – cilvēka tiesību īstenošanu [5]. Personas datu aizsardzības institūts tika izveidots, izpratnes par tiesību uz personas privātās dzīves neaizskaramību saturu paplašinot 20. gadsimta 70. gados, kad vairāku Eiropas valstu valdības uzsāka informācijas apstrādes projektus, piemēram, tautas skaitīšanu u. c. Informācijas tehnoloģiju attīstība ļāva arvien vairāk informācijas par personām glabāt un apstrādāt elektroniski. Viena no tiesību problēmām bija informācijas vākšana par fizisku personu un tiesību uz privātās dzīves neaizskaramību ievērošana. Lai nodrošinātu privātās dzīves aizsardzību, atsevišķas Eiropas valstis pēc savas iniciatīvas pieņēma likumus par datu aizsardzību. Pirmie likumi par personas datu aizsardzību Eiropā tika pieņemti Vācijas Federatīvajā Republikā, tad Zviedrijā (1973), Norvēģijā (1978) un citur [8, 10]. Ne visas valstis pieņēma likumus par datu aizsardzību vienlaikus, tāpēc Eiropas Padome nolēma izstrādāt konvenciju, lai unificētu datu aizsardzības noteikumus un principus. Nowadays, the right to privacy is indispensable in every democratic society and inclusion of such rights in the constitution, guarantees legally freedom of action of a natural person and, simultaneously, implementation of other human rights established in the fundamental law of the state. The institute of personal data protection was established by expanding the understanding of the content of the right to privacy in the 70’s of the 19th century, when the government of several European countries initiated information processing projects, such as population census etc. For the development of information technology, more and more information on persons was kept and processed in electronic form. One of the legal problems was gathering of information on natural persons and the right to privacy. In order to ensure the protection of privacy, separate European countries, on their own initiative, established a law on data protection. The first laws on the protection of personal data in Europe were established in the Federal Republic of Germany, then in Sweden (1973), Norway (1978) and elsewhere. Not all countries adopted laws on data protection at the same time, so the Council of Europe decided to elaborate a convention to unify data protection rules and principles.


Author(s):  
Knut Fournier

The complexity of the right to privacy is particularly striking when the issues at stake are, ultimately, other political rights and freedoms such as the right to free speech and the right of association. The surveillance of individuals and groups by the state has strong political consequences: the surveillance of political activities re-defines what the private sphere is, and displaces its limits, in a context in which more information is becoming available to the public. Multiple recent developments, exemplified by the role of the right to privacy in movies, exacerbated the tensions between Europe and the United States over the notion of privacy. The future EU data protection laws will create a right to be forgotten, whose political value is still unknown.


Author(s):  
Charlotte Heyl

In a liberal conception of democracy, courts play an important role in facilitating the rule of law by controlling the abidance to rules and by holding the political branches of government accountable. The power of constitutional review is a crucial element for exercising horizontal accountability. Courts across Africa are vested with the power of constitutional review, and, generally speaking, their independence has substantially increased since the beginning of the 1990s—although African courts enjoy overall less independence than the global average for courts’ independence. Within the African region, the level of judicial independence varies widely, between contexts that rarely allow judicial independence and contexts where courts have more power to challenge the government. Furthermore, across the continent, African courts experience undue interference—which frequently takes place informally. Informal interference can occur through the biased appointments of judges, verbal and physical threats, violent attacks, the payment of bribes, or the ouster of sitting judges. Informal networks—held together by ties based on shared educational trajectories, common leisure activities, religion, kinship relations, or political affiliations—are the channels through which such pressure can be transmitted. Yet judges also can actively build informal networks: namely, with the legal community, civil society, and international donors, so as to insulate themselves against undue interference and to increase institutional legitimacy. Research has shown that the agency of judges and courts in signaling impartial decision-making, as well as in reaching out to society, is crucial to constructing legitimacy in the African context. In contrast, the explanatory power of electoral competition as an incentive for power holders to support judicial independence is not straightforward in the context of Africa’s political regimes, where the prospect of losing office is associated with financial, and in some cases even physical, insecurity. However, research on judicial politics in Africa is still only preliminary, because the field requires more comparative studies in order to fully reveal the political repercussions on Africa’s judiciaries as well as to delineate the scope conditions of the prominent theories explaining judicial independence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Hamdan Siregar

The State of the Republic of Indonesia is a legal state which is contained in Article 1 Paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution, in the rule of law, the power in running the Government based on the rule of law, in Indonesia there have been many cooperation agreements in the field of plantation, in the establishment of plantation based on the principle legal certainty to protect the parties in the cooperation agreement between BUMD and PT.MTL where in the plantation management agreement is not running smoothly, causing conflict between the community with PT.MTL party. Based on the above issues, what is the legal relationship between the parties in the oil palm plantation cooperation agreement, how is the legal effect on the community rights in the oil palm plantation cooperation agreement, how is the legal protection of the community within the palm oil plantation agreement. This research is juridical sociological with the nature of research is descriptive analytical. Processing is done by editing and then analyzed by using qualitative analysis methode. From the result of the research, it can be concluded that (1) the occurrence of civil relation between the parties based on the cooperation agreement between BUMD and PT.MTL and letter of land delivery between the community and BUMD (2) due to law on community land in this cooperation agreement the transition of rights, from public property rights to State land. (3) the absence of legal protection of community land that has been submitted to the BUMD to be granted the Right to Use Enterprises


2005 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 645 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cao Jingchun

This article suggests the Chinese government should establish systematic legal protection for personal privacy in China. First, a brief introduction to the history of the concept of privacy in China is given. Based on the definition of privacy in the Western world, the modern concept of privacy has been absorbed by Chinese scholars and defined according to Chinese norms. During this process, the subjects and objects of the right to privacy have been chosen and the distinctions between the right to privacy, the right of reputation and the right to know have been made clear. This article considers that it is most important to recognise the right to privacy as an independent right both in the Constitution and Civil Code. Depending on the impact of the breach of privacy, liability for civil or criminal punishment should attach.  Besides these measures, a specific data protection law is also essential. 


the wishes of the Government expressed in the form of legislation, or the extent to which it can interfere with the pursuit of those wishes. Until now it has been a commonplace of political thought that although the United Kingdom might not have a written constitution its unwritten constitution was nonetheless based on fundamental principles. Amongst these principles were the sovereignty of Parliament and the Rule of Law. The centrality within the United Kingdom constitution of the doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty has traditionally meant that Parliament can make such law as it determines, but the validity of such an interpretation has been questioned by some. The justifications for such challenges to absolute Parliamentary sovereignty are based on the United Kingdom's membership of both the European Union and the Council of Europe with the implications of higher authorities than Parliament, in the former's legislation and the latter's endorsement of inalienable individual rights. As for the Rule of Law, although it is a notoriously amorphous concept, it has provided the courts with scope for challenging the actions of the executive and, indeed, to a more limited degree, the legislature. The mechanism through which the courts have previously exercised their burgeoning constitutional and, by definition, political role is judicial review by means of which they have asserted the right to subject the actions and operations of the executive to the gaze and control of the law in such a way as to prevent the executive from abusing its power. However, such power has been greatly extended by the enactment of the Human Rights Act (HRA) 1998. The Act only came into effect in October 2000 so the question remains as to how the courts will use the powers given to them under that Act. The remaining articles in this chapter will consider the wider political context within which the judiciary operate as well as focusing on the Rule of Law and the HRA 1998. In an article 'Law and democracy', published in the Spring 1995 edition of Public Law, Sir John Laws, Justice of the High Court, Queen's Bench Division, considered the appropriate role of judges within the constitution from the perspective of the judge (footnotes omitted).

2012 ◽  
pp. 54-65

2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-606
Author(s):  
Peter Oliver Loew

This article provides an in-depth insight into the “Polish peculiarities” that substantially continue to affect the current situation in the country - a country where the rule of law is in danger, where politics and society are dramatically divided, and where images of existent or invented enemies seem to dominate the political and cultural discourse. The article concludes that many questions remain open regarding the respect for the rule of law. The “tale of Poland” is not yet finished: there are several possible scenarios for Poland, ranging from progressing radicalization, to maneuvering of the government in order to satisfy the EU as well as the domestic national-Catholics, to the destruction of the government camp and the return of a majority of the electorate towards pro-European, liberal politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (05) ◽  
pp. 722-733 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentin M. Pfisterer

AbstractIn recent years, the CJEU has impressively brought to bear the protection of the fundamental rights to privacy and protection of personal data as contained in the CFREU. The Court’s decisions in the Digital Rights, Schrems, Tele2, and PNR cases have reshaped the political and legal landscape in Europe and beyond. By restricting the powers of the governments of EU Member States and annulling legislative acts enacted by the EU legislator, the decisions had, and continue to have, effects well beyond the respective individual cases. Despite their strong impact on privacy and data protection across Europe, however, these landmark decisions reveal a number of flaws and inconsistencies in the conceptualization of the rights to privacy and protection of personal data as endorsed and interpreted by the CJEU. This Article identifies and discusses some of the shortcomings revealed in the recent CJEU privacy and data protection landmark decisions and proposes to the CJEU a strategy aimed at resolving these shortcomings going forward.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Tamara Laurencia

<em>Corruption is very detrimental. KPK was established to eradicate corruption and is given extensive duties and authority. KPK is given the authority to conduct investigation and prosecution, and in the implementation, KPK has the authority to conduct wiretapping. However, the authority given to KPK in conducting wiretapping seems to be too broad and was given without any clear boundaries in terms of the time limit for example. It should also require permission to conduct wiretapping in order to uphold the law. Wiretapping has been a violation of privacy towards citizen rights. The right can only be limited by the Law, but it cannot be removed from existence. One of the principles of criminal procedure in Indonesia is due process of law that consist of three important aspects, namely presumption of innocence, equality before the law, and the rule of law. This principle basically requires the protection of the rights of the suspects or defendants in terms of the substance of the law that regulates or the implementation, which in this case is not to be considered guilty during criminal justice process, equality before the law regarding the right to privacy that can only be limited, not removed from existence.</em>


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