Protest und Rechtsstreit

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrike A. C. Müller

How are political and legal actions interrelated? The author explores this topic empirically, looking at conflicts over Basic Security Benefits for Jobseekers (SGB II/“Hartz IV”). Via qualitative interviews with claimants, unemployed people’s action groups and unions’ legal service offices, the connections between individual legal action and collective, especially political forms of action of recipients are examined. The findings about social law in action – which has rarely been analysed – show the impact of the German Social law courts as a separate system of courts. The conclusion that the SGB II in action has been experienced as useful by different types of claimants – calmly contributing, anxiously contributing, calmly delegating, anxiously delegating – and that it has sustained the political conflict over Hartz IV challenges theoretical critiques of law with their focus on bourgeois law that treats individuals formally equal.

Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz

This chapter looks at the characteristics of the experimental treatments that are used to manipulate incivility, as well as the kinds of people used in the experiments. Because of the high degree of control over the political content of the broadcasts, the participants involved in the conflicts, and the way in which the cameras covered the dispute, it is possible to draw strong causal inferences about the impact that incivility and camera perspective have on viewers' experiences of political conflict. Although the professional production quality meant that none of the subjects voiced suspicions about the programs themselves, it is still plausible that other, unidentified differences between the real world and this exchange may have altered the outcomes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
M.V. Maslovskiy ◽  

The article considers Max Weber’s model of plebiscitary leadership and historical examples of plebiscitary democracy. It is argued that there is no clear distinction between plebiscitary democracy and dictatorship inWeber’s writings. As Stefan Breuer demonstrates, such a distinction allows us to broaden the application of Weberian concepts. Plebiscitary elements can be seen in the political life of non-Western states, which have been discussed from the multiple modernities perspective. However, while that perspective develops the Weberian sociological tradition, its representatives mostly do not use the concept of plebiscitary leadership. Thus, Shmuel Eisenstadt draws primarily on Weber’s sociology of religion in his analysis of different types of modernity. Specifically, Eisenstadt considers the impact of civilizational legacies on political processes in India and Latin America. Peter Wagner discusses the relevance of Weber’s rationalization thesis and theory of capitalism rather than the concepts of Weberian political sociology. In his study of democratization in Brazil and South Africa, Wagner emphasizes the progressive character of political changes but does not consider the possibility of a reversal of these processes. The article argues that the contemporary reconstruction of Weber’s model of plebiscitary leadership can complement the analyses of democratization in non-Western societies from the multiple modernities perspective.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-401
Author(s):  
Mustafa Aksakal

This paper addresses some key factors influencing the career development of highly qualified migrants during their stay abroad. It is based on 44 qualitative interviews with international students and highly qualified migrant workers from China and India, most of whom were temporarily residing in Germany. The findings show that different types of social capital might co-exist and perform multiple functions. Some migrants engage in entrepreneurial activities, availing themselves of links between their country of origin and Europe, which could help them to advance their professional goals. The study found that the political assessment of migrants also plays an important role. The paper concludes that the category of highly qualified migrants is heterogenous which comprises migrants who have different aspirations as well as divergent career trajectories.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Newman ◽  
Niklas Keller

Many contemporary civil wars are characterised by a political economy of violence – a ‘war economy’ – whose actors are highly motivated by profit. Examining cases of Afghanistan and Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article draws attention to a different but related notion: criminal economic activities which characterise the political economy of violence during civil war develop a self-serving momentum and continue, after ‘resolution’ of the political conflict, to do great harm. The article explores the impact of illegal money-making – a legacy of the ‘war economy’ – on societies in post-conflict transition. It suggests that, in some conflict resolution efforts, the pressure to impose a ‘political’ resolution causes peacebuilders to neglect this legacy and so threatens the peacebuilding agenda.


Author(s):  
Ch. E. Merriam

The original outline of this article included a general overview and critique of the leading trends in the study of politics over the past 30 to 40 years. It was intended to compare the methods and results of different types of political thought-to consider in turn the historical school, the law school, researchers in the field of comparative analysis of forms of government, philosophers themselves, the approach of economists, the contribution of geographers and ethnologists, the work of statisticians, and finally to turn to psychological, sociological and biological interpretations of the political process. It would be an interesting and perhaps useful task to compare the subject and method of such thinkers as Jellinek, Gierke, Dugi, Dicey and Pound, the philosophies of Sorel and Dewey, Ritchie and Russell, Nietzsche and Tolstoy, to look at the methods of Durkheim and Simmel, Ward, Giddings and Small, Cooley and Ross, and to discuss the innovations found in the works of Wallace and Cole. It might be useful to expand the analysis to include important features of the environment in which these ideas flourished, and the many close connections between them. One could also discuss the impact of social and industrial development, class movements and class struggle or group conflicts in a broader sense, consider the impact of urbanism and industrialism, capitalism, socialism and syndicalism, militarism, pacifism, feminism, nationalism. It would be useful, perhaps, to present a critique of the methods and results described and to specifically assess the significance of logical, psychological, sociological, legal, philosophical and historical methodologies and the contribution of each of them to the study of the political. This task, however, was dropped and postponed for the next time, as it became apparent that no such review could be compressed to reasonable volumes. In order to achieve our common goal, it would seem that a different type of analysis would be more productive, aimed at reconstructing the methods of political research and obtaining more extensive results in both the theoretical and practical fields.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Hanna Söderbaum

This article analyzes the agency of wealthy businessmen-politicians’ philanthropy foundations during the Ukrainian Maidan protests of 2013-14 in which crowdfunding and grassroots mobilization constituted key distinctive features. As the role of these philanthropy foundations remains obscure, this article aims to bridge this gap in our knowledge of Ukrainian politics and society. The protesters strived to achieve social change and democratization similar to what was being purported by wealthy businessmen-politicians’ foundations during the years leading up to the protests. However, since the protesters specified one particular aim as “de-oligarchization,” the involvement of these organizations is puzzling. What did these foundations do at this critical point? To what extent can their actions or inactions be explained by the institutional and framework constraints of the foundations, the strategies of the wealthy businessmen-politicians behind the foundations, and the lack of the foundations’ legitimacy in the eyes of the civic sector activists? The analysis covers different types of foundation and is based on semi-structured interviews involving the foundations’ representatives, think-and-do tank analysts, and Maidan activists, over the years 2011 to 2017. The findings show that the organizational entities were largely directed by their respective founders. This indicates a dependence of the philanthropic organization on the political affiliation of the founder, rather than on the framed ambition of the foundation. Similar to the impact of philanthropic organizations in other institutional contexts, the impact of philanthropy foundations on the Maidan social movement proved marginal. Since oligarchs could not be invisible during the political turmoil, they tried to retain a position from which they could deny responsibility for specific actions. The logic of commitment compensation and the logic of flexibility advanced by Markus and Charnysh proved useful for analyzing the strategies of these businessmen-politicians.


Ekonomika ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vytautas Gavelis

Abstract. The objective of the article is to review specific criteria for the classification of corruption in the context of economic relations, to discuss its types and subtypes, and to reveal the peculiarities of transnational corruption in modern conditions. The classification of corruption highlights the significance of systemic approach, as well as emphasizes that corrupt relations can be studied both as a separate system and a subsystem. The article reveals the purpose of a corruption classification, correlation between corruption types and forms, and the main indicators for the classification of their qualitative and quantitative traits. It discusses the impact of most significant economic processes on different types of corrupt relations. Transnational corruption is analysed as a globalization stimulating, competition limiting factor. By emphasizing the danger of corruption, corruption concealment options in transnational transactions under the guise of public interest are discussed.Key words: corruption, corrupt transactions, demand-induced corruption, supply-induced corruption, transnational corruption


Author(s):  
Nikolay Pupykin

This article analyzes the evolution of theoretical approaches of the representatives of foreign (European and US) public thought towards studying the problem of political peace and conflict interaction. The object of this research is the conflictogenic political relations as a form of historical development of the state and social institutions. The subject of this research is the steady development of socio-political and socio-philosophical theories related to political conflicts and social stability. Research methodology is based on the structural-functional and systemic analysis, comparative-historical and problematic-chronological methods, as well as other general scientific and special principles of historical cognition. The author comes to the conclusion that the representations of the political forms of social conflict interaction have deeply rooted causal links with different historical eras (Antiquity, Middle Ages, Renaissance, Modern Age, Contemporary History), and have made a long way from “naivety” and dogmatism to interdisciplinarity, from unconditional historicism to social systematicity in their conceptual approaches. The novelty of this article consists in comprehensive examination of the evolution of methodology for studying the conceptual-categorical space of political conflict through the prism of the historical development of mankind, thereby revealing the impact of conflictogenic nature of the political process upon the course of world history.


2021 ◽  
pp. 71-90
Author(s):  
Eileen Connolly ◽  
John Doyle

This chapter focuses on the political situation in Northern Ireland, outlining the impact of the Northern Ireland Protocol on cross-community relations. It reflects on the consequences that social change will have on the option for Irish unification. It also provides a background of the Northern Ireland Protocol, analysing why the protection of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement became a core issue for the EU and why a sea border emerged as the agreed solution. The chapter examines the political cleavages in Northern Ireland that underpin the deep conflict over the location of the post-Brexit border. It also elaborates why the location of the border will remain a focus for political conflict, although the Northern Ireland Protocol allowed the EU and the UK to reach agreement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 202-212
Author(s):  
Zvika Orr ◽  
Shifra Unger

Structural competency is the trained ability to discern and acknowledge how health care outcomes are shaped by larger political, social, economic, policy, and legal forces and structures. Although structural competency has become an increasingly known framework for training and teaching, especially in the United States, it has usually not been used in nursing and nursing education. Moreover, very little is known about how to implement structural competency programs in conflict zones. Due to depoliticization that often prevails in both the higher education system and the health care system, the political conflict and the structural violence that significantly impact people’s health are rarely discussed in these systems. This article examines the potential contribution of structural competency training programs for nurses and nursing students in conflict areas by analyzing a program that has emphasized the impact of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict on the health of Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents. The article explains how this program has challenged the denial and silencing of conflict-related sociopolitical issues. At the same time, this program has created heated disagreements and friction. We suggest that structural competency training programs that are adapted to the political context in question may help nurses become organic intellectual leaders and agents of social change for those whose voices are not heard.


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