Real-World Contexts

Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz

This chapter looks at the characteristics of the experimental treatments that are used to manipulate incivility, as well as the kinds of people used in the experiments. Because of the high degree of control over the political content of the broadcasts, the participants involved in the conflicts, and the way in which the cameras covered the dispute, it is possible to draw strong causal inferences about the impact that incivility and camera perspective have on viewers' experiences of political conflict. Although the professional production quality meant that none of the subjects voiced suspicions about the programs themselves, it is still plausible that other, unidentified differences between the real world and this exchange may have altered the outcomes.

2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Newman ◽  
Niklas Keller

Many contemporary civil wars are characterised by a political economy of violence – a ‘war economy’ – whose actors are highly motivated by profit. Examining cases of Afghanistan and Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article draws attention to a different but related notion: criminal economic activities which characterise the political economy of violence during civil war develop a self-serving momentum and continue, after ‘resolution’ of the political conflict, to do great harm. The article explores the impact of illegal money-making – a legacy of the ‘war economy’ – on societies in post-conflict transition. It suggests that, in some conflict resolution efforts, the pressure to impose a ‘political’ resolution causes peacebuilders to neglect this legacy and so threatens the peacebuilding agenda.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 205316802110530
Author(s):  
Miles T Armaly ◽  
Adam M Enders

Although the U.S. Supreme Court goes to great lengths to avoid the “political thicket,” it is sometimes unwittingly pulled in. We employ several experimental treatments—each of which is composed of real behaviors that took place during the Trump impeachment trial—to understand the impact of the trial on attitudes about the Court. We find that Chief Justice Roberts’ presence and behaviors during the trial failed to legitimize the proceeding and may have even harmed views of the Court. Treatments involving Roberts’ actions decreased willingness to accept Court decisions and, in some cases, negatively impacted perceived legitimacy. We also find that criticisms of the Chief Justice by Senators decreased decision acceptance. These findings clarify both the bounds of the institution’s legitimizing power and the tenuous nature of public support in times of greater Court politicization by outside actors.


Author(s):  
Nikolay Pupykin

This article analyzes the evolution of theoretical approaches of the representatives of foreign (European and US) public thought towards studying the problem of political peace and conflict interaction. The object of this research is the conflictogenic political relations as a form of historical development of the state and social institutions. The subject of this research is the steady development of socio-political and socio-philosophical theories related to political conflicts and social stability. Research methodology is based on the structural-functional and systemic analysis, comparative-historical and problematic-chronological methods, as well as other general scientific and special principles of historical cognition. The author comes to the conclusion that the representations of the political forms of social conflict interaction have deeply rooted causal links with different historical eras (Antiquity, Middle Ages, Renaissance, Modern Age, Contemporary History), and have made a long way from “naivety” and dogmatism to interdisciplinarity, from unconditional historicism to social systematicity in their conceptual approaches. The novelty of this article consists in comprehensive examination of the evolution of methodology for studying the conceptual-categorical space of political conflict through the prism of the historical development of mankind, thereby revealing the impact of conflictogenic nature of the political process upon the course of world history.


2021 ◽  
pp. 71-90
Author(s):  
Eileen Connolly ◽  
John Doyle

This chapter focuses on the political situation in Northern Ireland, outlining the impact of the Northern Ireland Protocol on cross-community relations. It reflects on the consequences that social change will have on the option for Irish unification. It also provides a background of the Northern Ireland Protocol, analysing why the protection of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement became a core issue for the EU and why a sea border emerged as the agreed solution. The chapter examines the political cleavages in Northern Ireland that underpin the deep conflict over the location of the post-Brexit border. It also elaborates why the location of the border will remain a focus for political conflict, although the Northern Ireland Protocol allowed the EU and the UK to reach agreement.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrike A. C. Müller

How are political and legal actions interrelated? The author explores this topic empirically, looking at conflicts over Basic Security Benefits for Jobseekers (SGB II/“Hartz IV”). Via qualitative interviews with claimants, unemployed people’s action groups and unions’ legal service offices, the connections between individual legal action and collective, especially political forms of action of recipients are examined. The findings about social law in action – which has rarely been analysed – show the impact of the German Social law courts as a separate system of courts. The conclusion that the SGB II in action has been experienced as useful by different types of claimants – calmly contributing, anxiously contributing, calmly delegating, anxiously delegating – and that it has sustained the political conflict over Hartz IV challenges theoretical critiques of law with their focus on bourgeois law that treats individuals formally equal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 202-212
Author(s):  
Zvika Orr ◽  
Shifra Unger

Structural competency is the trained ability to discern and acknowledge how health care outcomes are shaped by larger political, social, economic, policy, and legal forces and structures. Although structural competency has become an increasingly known framework for training and teaching, especially in the United States, it has usually not been used in nursing and nursing education. Moreover, very little is known about how to implement structural competency programs in conflict zones. Due to depoliticization that often prevails in both the higher education system and the health care system, the political conflict and the structural violence that significantly impact people’s health are rarely discussed in these systems. This article examines the potential contribution of structural competency training programs for nurses and nursing students in conflict areas by analyzing a program that has emphasized the impact of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict on the health of Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents. The article explains how this program has challenged the denial and silencing of conflict-related sociopolitical issues. At the same time, this program has created heated disagreements and friction. We suggest that structural competency training programs that are adapted to the political context in question may help nurses become organic intellectual leaders and agents of social change for those whose voices are not heard.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-113
Author(s):  
Jan-Hinrik Meyer-Sahling ◽  
Fanni Toth

AbstractThis paper examines the impact of democratic backsliding on the management of top officials in Hungary. Based on a unique data set of more than 1,600 top officials the article shows that the number of appointments to top positions increased in 2010 and subsequent years, during which Hungary experienced democratic back-sliding. Moreover, the data shows that turnover in top official positions was higher in 2010 and in subsequent years than in the period between 1990 and 2010. The paper concludes that the politicisation and high degree of instability in top official positions may be characteristic of governance in illiberal democracies.


Author(s):  
Shiyang Xiao ◽  
Xufeng Zhu

Abstract Bureaucratic control, the constraint that a superior imposes on subordinate agencies’ discretion through guidelines, is ubiquitous in administrative organizations. Despite scholarly discussions on the merits and shortcomings of bureaucratic control, we still know little about the impact of the extents of bureaucratic control on subordinates’ compliance patterns. In this article, we argue that bureaucratic control might intensify subordinates’ burdens and incentivize them to strategically reduce compliance with the central guidelines which impose such control on them. We build a database containing 42 social regulatory guidelines issued by the Chinese State Council (central government) and 848 implementation documents issued by provincial governments between 2003 and 2012. As bureaucratic control in a central guideline increases, provincial governments might postpone the release or withhold the implementation documents and reiterate less content of the corresponding central guideline. Interestingly, when provincial governments lack financial resources, the aforementioned reactions to bureaucratic control is weakened and even reversed to be positive. Moreover, central mobilization alleviates the negative impact of bureaucratic control on the surface but might fail to address subordinates’ decrease of compliance in hidden ways. Central monitoring raises the overall level of subordinates’ compliance but does not moderate how subordinates circumvent central guidelines with high degree of control.


2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-08
Author(s):  
Zainul Djumadin

The purpose of this study is to describe the political conflict between the DKI Jakarta Governor and the Regional People's Representative Assembly (DPRD) in the 2015 APBD Determination Process. The design method used is a qualitative case study. The research was carried out in DKI Jakarta in 2015. Primary data were obtained from various documents related to implementing the Healthy Jakarta program held by the DKI Jakarta governor and deputy governor in 2013 through interviews about the object under study. The research object is the Political Conflict between the DKI Jakarta Governor and DPRD in the 2015 Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget (APBD) Determination Process. Observation, interviews, and documentation carried out data collection techniques. The data analysis process began by examining all available data from various sources such as interviews, observations that have been written in field notes, documents, pictures, photos, Etc. After reading, studying, and reviewing, the next step was reducing the data by doing abstractions (making the core summary, processes, and statements that need to be provided) arranged in units. Then, the units were categorized while coding. The results showed that divided local government occurring in DKI Jakarta is the leading cause of conflict between the DKI Jakarta Governor and DPRD. It shows that the divided local government triggers prolonged conflicts between the Governor and DPRD. The impact of political conflict between the DKI Jakarta Governor and DPRD has disrupted the government path in DKI Jakarta Province. It started from the delay in discussing and determining the 2015 Draft of Revenue and Expenditure Budget (RAPBD), the planned transportation megaproject, specifically the Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) development project, and budget absorption in the 2014 DKI Jakarta APBD are getting lower.


2019 ◽  
pp. 21-38
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Deryugin ◽  
Ilya A. Sokolov

The paper analyzes the impact of the “model budget” on the problems of intergovernmental relations in the Russian Federation: a high proportion of expenditure obligations of regional and local budgets and a high degree of interregional inequality in fiscal capacity and socio-economic development. It was concluded that the planned broader use of the “model budget” will not solve the problem of unfunded mandates and will lead first to a significant reduction in incentives for regional authorities to develop the territorial revenue base, and then to economic slowdown in the country. As an alternative approach to improving intergovernmental relations, options are being considered for adjusting the parameters of the equalization transfers distribution formula, the procedure for determining their total volume and calculating the budget expenditure index. In solving the problem of unfunded mandates, an equally important role is given to the procedure for preparing a financial and economic rationale for draft laws.


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