scholarly journals Reflection of the problematic of political conflicts in the history of public thought

Author(s):  
Nikolay Pupykin

This article analyzes the evolution of theoretical approaches of the representatives of foreign (European and US) public thought towards studying the problem of political peace and conflict interaction. The object of this research is the conflictogenic political relations as a form of historical development of the state and social institutions. The subject of this research is the steady development of socio-political and socio-philosophical theories related to political conflicts and social stability. Research methodology is based on the structural-functional and systemic analysis, comparative-historical and problematic-chronological methods, as well as other general scientific and special principles of historical cognition. The author comes to the conclusion that the representations of the political forms of social conflict interaction have deeply rooted causal links with different historical eras (Antiquity, Middle Ages, Renaissance, Modern Age, Contemporary History), and have made a long way from “naivety” and dogmatism to interdisciplinarity, from unconditional historicism to social systematicity in their conceptual approaches. The novelty of this article consists in comprehensive examination of the evolution of methodology for studying the conceptual-categorical space of political conflict through the prism of the historical development of mankind, thereby revealing the impact of conflictogenic nature of the political process upon the course of world history.

1997 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jensen

Abstract: Scholarly publishing and access to high-quality information may in fact be threatened, rather than improved, by the revolution in communications, particularly in a fully commercial Internet. The effects of the political revolution in Eastern Europe on scholarship and quality publishing are used as a touchstone of the dangers that occur when naïve revolutionaries make swift changes without fully recognizing the impact upon delicately balanced social institutions such as non-profit organizations. Résumé: La révolution en communications, particulièrement en ce qui regarde un Internet commercialisé, plutôt que d'améliorer l'édition savante et l'accès à de l'information de haute qualité, pourrait en fait poser une menace pour ceux-ci. Cet article examine comment la révolution politique en Europe de l'Est a influé sur la recherche et l'édition de qualité. Il utilise cet exemple pour examiner les dangers que peuvent courir certains révolutionnaires naïfs quand ils instaurent des changements rapides san songer à leur impact sur des institutions sociales à équilibre délicat comme les organisations à but non lucratif.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-470
Author(s):  
Guido Dierickx

This contribution should be seen as an attempt to retrieve information from restcategories, such as «does not know» and «no answer».  From these, and from other data as well, we constructed 10, mostly summating, indexes of political ignorance. Among them is an index of objective ignorance, that is about political events, persons and situations.  The others aim at more subjective dimensions. Does the respondent feel informed about the political process : about government and party performance, partisan congeniality, modalities of voting, local politics social problems, political issues ?There seems to be some evidence in favor of the following hypotheses.1. The indexes tend to compensate each other: respondents who score low on one index, do not necessarily score low on the next one.2. I t is difficult to ascertain the validity of an index of objective ignorance. Moreover it does by no means express all the (relevant) dimensions of political information.3. A mong indexes of subjective ignorance one should distinguish between «policy» and «political» information ; the latter seems to refer to a situation where strictly political rules of the game, a.o. those of political conflict, prevail.4. Of all indexes the «political issues» index showed the most discriminating power, as well as the most expected associations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Iman Hegazy

Public spaces are defined as places that should be accessible to all inhabitants without restrictions. They are spaces not only for gathering, socializing and celebrating but also for initiating discussions, protesting and demonstrating. Thus, public spaces are intangible expressions of democracy—a topic that the paper tackles its viability within the context of Alexandria, case study Al-Qaed Ibrahim square. On the one hand, Al-Qaed Ibrahim square which is named after Al-Qaed Ibrahim mosque is a sacred element in the urban fabric; whereas on the other it represents a non-religious revolutionary symbol in the Alexandrian urban public sphere. This contradiction necessitates finding an approach to study the characteristic of this square/mosque within the Alexandrian context—that is to realize the impact of the socio-political events on the image of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square, and how it has transformed into a revolutionary urban symbol and yet into a no-public space. The research revolves around the hypothesis that the political events taking place in Egypt after January 25th, 2011, have directly affected the development of urban public spaces, especially in Alexandria. Therefore methodologically, the paper reviews the development of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square throughout the Egyptian socio-political changes, with a focus on the square’s urban and emotional contextual transformations. For this reason, the study adheres to two theories: the "city elements" by Kevin Lynch and "emotionalizing the urban" by Frank Eckardt. The aim is not only to study the mentioned public space but also to figure out the changes in people’s societal behaviour and emotion toward it. Through empowering public spaces, the paper calls the different Egyptian political and civic powers to recognize each other, regardless of their religious, ethnical or political affiliations. It is a step towards replacing the ongoing political conflicts, polarization, and suppression with societal reconciliation, coexistence, and democracy.


Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz

This chapter looks at the characteristics of the experimental treatments that are used to manipulate incivility, as well as the kinds of people used in the experiments. Because of the high degree of control over the political content of the broadcasts, the participants involved in the conflicts, and the way in which the cameras covered the dispute, it is possible to draw strong causal inferences about the impact that incivility and camera perspective have on viewers' experiences of political conflict. Although the professional production quality meant that none of the subjects voiced suspicions about the programs themselves, it is still plausible that other, unidentified differences between the real world and this exchange may have altered the outcomes.


1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Gallagher

Although the selection of candidates for elections to the national parliament is an important part of the political process, there is little writing on the way in which this is carried out in the Republic of Ireland. This no doubt springs largely from parties' reluctance to reveal details of this essentially internal matter. In Duverger's words, ‘parties do not like the odours of the electoral kitchen to spread to the outside world’.


1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. N. Eisenstadt

Centralized bureaucratic polities can be defined as those political systems with the following major characteristics: first, the political sphere is relatively autonomous and distinct from other social institutions and second, there exist special permanent administrative organizations. We shall base our analysis on a number of pre-modern historical examples: the ancient Egyptian Empires, the Sassanid Empire of Persia, the Chinese Empires from the period of Han onwards, the Roman and Byzantine Empires, certain European countries (especially France) in the age of Absolutism, and the Spanish American Empire. Our purpose is to bring out the common characteristics of the political process in these historical societies, especially as it effects their continuity and stability. In the following pages we shall present some preliminary hypotheses and analyses about the political process in these polities. These hypotheses and analyses are derived from a larger and more detailed study which is in progress.


1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Kay

The United Nations at its present stage of development is a political system of formally coordinate Members, each able to place before the Organization the demands that flow from its own environment. One can hypothesize that a stable environment will yield a stable pattern of demands on the United Nations political system. Similarly it can be hypothesized that a change in the environment—the major components of which are the Member States—will change the pattern of demands made on the political system of the Organization. It is on just such a change that this article proposes to focus. In the period between 1955 and the end of 1968, 37 African states, largely devoid of experience in the contemporary international arena and struggling with the multitudinous problems of fashioning coherent national entities in the face of both internal and external pressures, joined the United Nations. The admission of these states substantially altered the Organization's environment and the demands being made upon it. It is suggested here that these changes have been so substantial as to alter the nature of the political process of the Organization. Concern will be focused successively upon the nature of the entry of the African states into the United Nations, a determination of the areas in which the African states have made demands upon the system, the constitutional structure of the Organization as it has evolved under the impact of the African states, the impact of the African states on the handling of major issues, and finally on trends and implications of the role of African states in the United Nations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 464-471
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Gribovod

The process of digitization as the new theoretical framework for studying economic, social and political practices is actively applied in the academic discourse, yet the conceptual nature of digitization is not sufficiently studied. The paper analyzes the digitization phenomenon both from the perspective of theoretical comprehension of the impact of digital and novel information and communication technologies (ICT) on various social institutions and processes, and from the perspective of identifying and classifying methodology approaches that exist in the humanities discourse and interpret the process of political media space digitization. An attempt is made to define the main stages of the political media space formation; key mass media tools are identified at each stage. The research identifies the technocratic, discursive and cratological approaches making it possible to identify the features of political media space’s digital transformation. Under conditions of digital society emergence, the political media space is considered to be, on the one hand, a “soft power” instrument and on the other hand, a combination of information resources, mass media institutions, channels and networks building a certain information infrastructure of a country, a region, a city.


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