Die kulturellen Grundlagen des Sozialstaats und ihre Bedeutung für die Verwirklichung des Verfassungsprinzips

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sujin Chung

While the Basic Law, in a departure from the Weimar Constitution, does not recognize any basic social rights, but only the welfare state principle, the opposite is true in South Korea. However, this difference loses significance at the level of interpretation, since the various basic social rights in South Korea are formed into a general welfare state principle. This paper attempts to compare the welfare state in South Korea and Germany. The reasons for the considerable differences that nevertheless exist between the two legal systems with respect to the welfare state are elaborated.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 906-936
Author(s):  
Fernando da Cruz Souza ◽  
Nelson Russo de Moraes

A austeridade permanente e a disputa de quem ganha o quê, quando e como, lógica intrínseca às políticas públicas, colocam as políticas sociais brasileiras em constantes testes. O universalismo tentativo iniciado com a Constituição de 1988 pareceu caminhar para uma ampliação da cidadania social no país, mas tem sofrido constantes ataques por falta de um compromisso de classes em torno de um projeto de país mais ou menos homogêneo. Diante dessa falta de precisão no estabelecimento Estado de Bem-estar brasileiro, em especial, pelo encolhimento no investimento público previsto para os próximos anos e com os governos mais alinhados a maior mercadorização dos serviços sociais, torna-se importante revisitar a trajetória do Welfare State em suas origens e objetivos, a fim de compreender como chegamos até aqui, o que podemos esperar do futuro e quais a intervenções necessárias para que nos aproximemos de uma inclusão sensível do grande contingente de pessoas ainda sujeitas a uma cidadania de segunda classe no Brasil. Para atender a esse objetivo, este trabalho realizou uma revisão bibliográfica convencional sobre o Estado de Bem-Estar Social, elencando a partir dela as razões históricas de seu surgimento, a tipologia de Esping-Andersen, a noção de funcionamentos e capacitações de Amartya Sen e os períodos constitutivos do bem-estar no Brasil.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Proteção social. Desenvolvimento. Direitos sociais.     ABSTRACT The permanent austerity and the dispute over who wins what, when and how, logic intrinsic to public policies, puts Brazilian social policies in constant tests. The tentative universalism that began with the 1988 Constitution seemed to be heading for a broadening of social citizenship in the country, but it has been under constant attack for the lack of a class compromise around a homogeneous country project. Given this lack of precision in the establishment of the Brazilian Welfare State due to the shrinking public investment expected in the coming years and with the governments most aligned to the greater commodification of social services, it is important to revisit the trajectory of the Welfare State in its origins and objectives, in order to understand how far we have come, what we can expect from the future and what interventions are needed to bring us closer to a sensitive inclusion of the large contingent of people still subject to second class citizenship in Brazil. To meet this objective, this paper has carried out a conventional bibliographical review of the Welfare State, listing from it the historical reasons for its emergence, Esping-Andersen's typology, Amartya Sen's notion of functioning and capabilities and the constitutive periods of welfare in Brazil.   KEYWORDS: Social protection. Development. Social rights.     RESUMEN La austeridad permanente y la disputa sobre quién gana qué, cuándo y cómo, la lógica intrínseca a las políticas públicas, pone a las políticas sociales brasileñas en pruebas constantes. El tentativo universalismo que comenzó con la Constitución de 1988 parecía dirigirse a una ampliación de la ciudadanía social en el país, pero ha estado bajo ataque constante por la falta de un compromiso de clase en torno a un proyecto de país más o menos homogéneo. Dada esta falta de precisión en el establecimiento del Estado de bienestar brasileño, en particular, debido a la reducción de la inversión pública esperada en los próximos años y con los gobiernos más alineados con la mayor mercantilización de los servicios sociales, es importante revisar la trayectoria del Estado de bienestar en sus orígenes y objetivos, para comprender cómo hemos llegado hasta ahora, qué podemos esperar del futuro y qué intervenciones son necesarias para acercarnos a una inclusión sensible del gran contingente de personas aún sujetas a una ciudadanía de segunda clase en Brasil. Para cumplir con este objetivo, este documento ha llevado a cabo una revisión bibliográfica convencional del Estado del Bienestar, enumerando de él las razones históricas de su surgimiento, la tipología de Esping-Andersen, la noción de funcionamiento y capacidadess de Amartya Sen, y períodos constitutivos de bienestar en Brasil.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Protección social. Desarrollo. Derechos sociales.  


Author(s):  
Philip Manow

Chapter 4 argues that in the three high-growth postwar decades, the welfare state facilitated corporatist cooperation between labor and capital, specifically in the form of wage coordination, thereby avoiding inflation in periods of (almost) full employment. The period of high growth and full employment allowed, in turn, welfare state expansion which was always supported by a grand coalition of Christian and Social Democrats. The chapter reconstructs in more detail how industrial conflict in the metalworking sector—both in the north of Germany, in the shipyards, and in the south of Germany, in the automobile industry—over social rights instead of wages laid the ground for wage coordination (and moderation) German style. It also explains how the welfare state helped unions and employers’ associations to “police the bargain,” to stabilize an inherently unstable arrangement between capital and labor.


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio De Boni

The idea of the welfare state, that is of a state tangibly committed to the economic welfare of the citizens, became progressively established in western thought in the twentieth century. Running counter to the tradition of thought in which politics and economics were two separate and independent spheres, various political cultures pressed for an acknowledgement of social rights and the duty of the state to intervene to protect the weaker brackets of the population. The first of these was social democracy, followed by a liberalism which became increasingly "social" in line with Christian thought, through to the phenomenon of the "totalitarian welfare state", when even absolutist states elaborated policies designed to incorporate the proletariat in the national order. This book is part of a larger work intended to address the issue of the welfare state in contemporary political thought. Following the volume dedicated to the nineteenth century (FUP 2007), this book deals with the period from the turn of the century up to the formulation of one of the most consummate and organic projects of welfare state ever conceived: that elaborated by Beveridge in England during the Second World War. THE THREE VOLUMESI: Lo stato sociale nel pensiero politico contemporaneo L'Ottocento Lo stato sociale nel pensiero politico contemporaneo. Il Novecento Parte prima: Da inizio secolo alla seconda guerra mondiale Lo stato sociale nel pensiero politico contemporaneo. Il Novecento Parte seconda: dal dopoguerra a oggi


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Grete Brochmann

Scandinavia represents a particular type of welfare state, characterized by institutionalized social rights, universal access, generous benefits, a high degree of public involvement and comparatively high levels of redistribution. The basically tax-based system, which was designed to constitute a basic safety net for all citizens from cradle to grave, has been remarkably generous – and thereby also costly. It is thus vulnerable in relation to newcomers who cannot support themselves economically. In all of Scandinavia, the welfare state was from the beginning the self-evident instrument for incorporation of newcomers. Gradually, this instrument has turned more controversial, in parallel with general processes of social reform, in which the restructuring of policies has been regarded as necessary in order to avoid dependency traps and “overconsumption”. This article spells out the historical background for the specific Scandinavian approach to immigration, and discusses the current dilemmas attached to this normatively complicated policy field.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 501-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Albertini ◽  
Michela Semprebon

In recent decades European institutions have been promoting the broadening of immigrants’ social rights, while at national levels political battles have been led around the definition of the legitimate community of welfare receivers. Immigrants have been often depicted as undeserving individuals threatening welfare state sustainability, although existing research does not fully support this view. At the same time, political and academic debates on immigrants and welfare have diverted attention away from immigrants themselves, failing to address their experiences and welfare support expectations. This article aims to contribute to filling this gap by addressing to what extent non-European immigrants expect the Italian welfare state to provide support for their family. The empirical evidence builds on a survey administered, between 2014 and 2015, to about 350 immigrants from Maghreb, China and the Philippines residing in the Emilia-Romagna region. By means of a mixed-method comprising qualitative and quantitative analyses, the article shows that only a minority of respondents, particularly Maghrebis, have some expectations in terms of public welfare support. It suggests that such support is almost exclusively expected to cope with the needs of the young-family generation, while the needs of the elderly members are assumed to be met through relatives’ informal support. Moreover, the article highlights marked differences in expectations across specific groups and points to explicatory variables such as country of origin, gender, educational level, age on arrival and length of stay. It further reflects on immigrants’ degree of knowledge of the welfare state functioning and specifies the rationales, based on perceived rights or meritocratic criteria, explaining expectations for support.


2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 792-816 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgina Murray

Citizenship in work is a continuous process of sustaining and fighting for just social rights. The argument here is that currently a major impediment to this democratic process at work is the practical and ideological imposition of economic liberal policy, conceived for and by dominant class interests. This article discusses the idea of citizenship, its antithesis economic liberalism and its synthesis Keynesianism and the welfare state. Then it asks what these and other ideas bring to the debate about citizenship and work in a global society?


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