scholarly journals Ups and Downs in Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan towards Security Approach of Russia*

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 18-33
Author(s):  
Tugce Varol Sevim ◽  
Alexander Rozanov

Uzbekistan is one of the significant states of Central Asia considering its relatively high population and military strength in comparison with other Central Asian states. We should not forget the fact that Uzbekistan has the most combat-ready and well-equipped armed forces in the region that have direct military experience in special operations in the mountains. Given this fact and the presence of a large Uzbek diaspora in neighboring countries, it is easy enough to understand why Tashkent pursues an independent policy and strives for leadership in Central Asia. However, the permanent President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov failed to achieve regional leadershipdue to on domestic political and economic reasons. But he was able to solve a number of major policy objectives: to achieve political stability, to suppress the influence of Islamists, to provide external security of Uzbekistan and to hold inter-clan balance. Although Uzbekistan, like other Central Asian

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-87
Author(s):  
M. A. Bulanakova

The article studies the role of cooperation between the Republic of Korea and Central Asian countries in the context of a continental strategy for Korea’s New Northern policy. The authors consider the main political discourses of the continental policy of the Republic of Korea, such as the problem of resolving the “Korean issue”, the problem of balancing interests in the East Asian region, and the problem of diversifying traditional partnerships. Korea’s foreign policy is interpreted within the framework of the “middle power” concept. An important part of the study is the analysis of cooperation between RoK and Central Asia both on a multilateral and bilateral basis. It is obvious that uneven two-way interaction of Korea with the Central Asian countries, encourages the RoK to implement specific projects relevant to the partners, at the same time, the RoK uses multilateral cooperation, to predict the cooperation prospects in the most relevant areas of cooperation — health, environment, digital policy. Attracting data of the current situation in the region and the world, the author notes important changes in the foreign policy of RoK, first of all, the ODA strengthening as an important tool for strengthening Korea in a specific region, as an important resource for solving problems of the pandemic COVID-19 impact. As the research result, the author comes to the conclusion that the implementation of the Eurasian vector in Korea’s foreign policy is a natural and necessary condition for the further development of Korea as a regional and global player. Cooperation with Central Asia is a priority resource for developing RoK’s international influence and an important component of the new Northern policy.


Author(s):  
Sardorbek Diyorov ◽  

Intercultural communication as the most important aspect of intercultural interaction is a prerequisite for a successful dialogue of cultures across the globe. Under the leadership of President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev, along with the principles of interethnic harmony and religious tolerance in the internal life of the country, a good neighbourly policy is being pursued with neighbouring republics. This article highlights the achievements of the Republic of Uzbekistan in foreign policy in recent years and the establishment of good neighbourly relations between the peoples of Central Asia.


Author(s):  
B. Bahriev

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource’ application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.


Author(s):  
E. Ionova

The main result of the presidential elections in Uzbekistan held on October 24, 2021 was that President Sh. Mirziyoyev received a mandate to further implement his economic and political course which provisions were set out in his election program. In the elections opponents of the president, representing in general pro-government parties, were unable to provide an effective alternative to the president's program, which, moreover, accumulated many of their proposals. In the next five years, the republic which economy is the fastest growing in Central Asia will face further economic reforms. Their effect will largely depend on the objective conditions associated primarily with the pandemic. The social program of the president, if it is actually implemented, can help smooth out the negative consequences of market reforms. Mirziyoyev’s foreign policy reflected new geopolitical landmarks of the Central Asian countries, including Afghanistan and Turkey. At the same time, the development of relations between Uzbekistan and Russia is increasing, indicating the desire of Tashkent under the leadership of Mirziyoyev to maintain balance in relations with leading foreign policy players. As a result, it can be stated that today the President of Uzbekistan has strong positions both within the country and abroad.


Author(s):  
Shakhnoza Akramjanovna Azimbayeva ◽  

This article examines the role and place of British think tanks in the design and development of the country’s foreign policy towards the Central Asian region. This issue is studied in combination with an analysis of the history of the formation of British think tanks, the positions of these centers in relation to Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century after the collapse of the USSR and the state of modern think tanks that study Central Asia and their influence on the decision-making process in Great Britain.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
E. V. Kryzhko ◽  
P. I. Pashkovsky

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.


Author(s):  
Clay Silver Katsky

While presidents have historically been the driving force behind foreign policy decision-making, Congress has used its constitutional authority to influence the process. The nation’s founders designed a system of checks and balances aimed at establishing a degree of equilibrium in foreign affairs powers. Though the president is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and the country’s chief diplomat, Congress holds responsibility for declaring war and can also exert influence over foreign relations through its powers over taxation and appropriation, while the Senate possesses authority to approve or reject international agreements. This separation of powers compels the executive branch to work with Congress to achieve foreign policy goals, but it also sets up conflict over what policies best serve national interests and the appropriate balance between executive and legislative authority. Since the founding of the Republic, presidential power over foreign relations has accreted in fits and starts at the legislature’s expense. When core American interests have come under threat, legislators have undermined or surrendered their power by accepting presidents’ claims that defense of national interests required strong executive action. This trend peaked during the Cold War, when invocations of national security enabled the executive to amass unprecedented control over America’s foreign affairs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ambassador Abdusamat A. Khaydarov ◽  
Ambassador Surat M. Mirkasymov

This article is a brief overview of the main trends in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan under the new leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The sections on bilateral relations and interaction of Uzbekistan with international organisations give an important insight into the dynamics of a strategically important Central Asian region and Eurasia as a whole. The article also reflects Uzbekistan’s perception of Eurasia as a region that is experiencing several geopolitical shifts.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh

In March 2002 the United States and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership. This document marked a qualitative break in the international relations of Uzbekistan and, to some degree, the United States' relations with Central Asia. Uzbekistan had sought closer relations with the United States since its independence in September 1991. But the course of U.S.-Uzbek relations was not smooth. Various obstacles hindered Tashkent's progress in making a positive impression on successive U.S. administrations in the last decade of the twentieth century. Tashkent's abysmal human rights record and the snail's pace of democratic reforms made the notion of closer ties with Uzbekistan unsavoury for U.S. policy makers. At the same time, Washington was more concerned with developments in Russia. Other former Soviet republics, especially the five Central Asian states, were relegated to the periphery of the U.S. strategic outlook. But the dramatic events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.-led “war on terror” changed the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The consequent development of ties between Tashkent and Washington was beyond the wildest dreams of Uzbek foreign policy makers. Virtually overnight, Uzbek leaders found themselves in a position to pursue an ambitious foreign policy without being slowed by domestic considerations.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Ziegler

This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.


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