Trouble at Fort Huachuca

Author(s):  
Michael E. Lynch

Almond had taken on one of the most difficult jobs in the Army. He dealt with all the normal challenges a division commander faced, such as housing, feeding, training, and equipping his unit, with scarce resources. The 92nd experienced some of the same turbulence other divisions did, including providing cadres of officers and NCOs to other African-American units. The educational limitations of his troops, the prevailing social environment, and growing pressure from the black community and his officers made his task all the more difficult. After several months of training at widely separated locations, Almond was directed to consolidate his unit at remote Fort Huachuca, Arizona. Many of the racial problems he experienced at the smaller bases became magnified as the unit came together as a whole. Brig. Gen. Benjamin O. Davis visited to investigate racial problems.

2000 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 1003-1010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith B. Williams

This study examined the perceptions of social support reported by 70 African-American, 44 Hispanic, 20 Native-American, and 69 Asian-American doctoral students ( N = 203) concerning their experiences in graduate school. The Doctoral Student Survey was used to measure the levels and types of social support provided. One-way analysis of variance of mean scores indicated that a majority of doctoral students perceived the academic environment on campus and faculty advisers to be strong sources of social support, while perceiving the social environment on campus as unsupportive of their progress. The African-American and Native-American doctoral students perceived the social environment on campus to be less supportive than did the Hispanic and Asian-American doctoral students, and Native-American doctoral students perceived their departments to be less supportive than did the African-American, Hispanic, and Asian-American doctoral students.


Author(s):  
Corey D. Fields

This chapter focuses on African American Republicans who can be labeled as “color-blind” because their strategy for linking black identity to Republican politics involves de-emphasizing the role of race in black people's lives. These African American Republicans see themselves as linked to a broader black community, but they reject identity politics as the pathway to racial uplift. They endorse Republican social policy as part of a commitment to an abstract notion of conservative politics, not because the policies are good for black people. Indeed, for race-blind African American Republicans, the best thing for blacks is to abandon race-based identity politics.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Fenderson

On a wintry Monday in December 1969, a small contingent of African American protesters gathered at 1820 South Michigan Avenue just outside the main headquarters of the black-owned Johnson Publishing Company (JPC) in Chicago. Armed with picket signs and protest chants, they dramatically captured the attention of eyewitnesses and bewildered employees inside the building. Included among the demonstrators were several artists, intellectuals, and activists from a variety of local organizations—a genuine cross-section of the Black creative community in the city. In their efforts to seize the attention of JPC’s founding owner and president, John H. Johnson, the group staged the protest with the stated goal to make the company “truly representative of the Black community.”...


Author(s):  
Koritha Mitchell

This chapter argues that blacks living during lynching's height accurately read the discourses and practices of their historical moment, and their cultural artifacts reflect their insights. Namely, the plays by black dramatists contain specific characterizations of the nature of lynching, and they inspire black community practices that enable African Americans to continue to interpret their surroundings accurately. In an environment where their extermination was said to make the nation safe, African Americans perceived the truth behind the façade—that lynching was really master/piece theater, designed to reinforce racial hierarchy. African American artists therefore offered scripts that encouraged their communities to continue to rehearse an understanding of themselves as full citizens.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Letícia Ferreira Aguiar

Neste estudo busca-se analisar a trajetória do músico Robert Johnson em razão da sua vivência como homem negro no Mississipi entre as décadas de 1910 e 1930, período de tensões sociais extremas para a comunidade negra nas condições existentes no estado e no país em si. Para realizar este objetivo, a investigação toma como ponto de partida o documentário “O diabo na encruzilhada”, do diretor Brian Oakes, que aborda a vida de Johnson desde suas origens, destacando os conflitos de classe e raça entre membros de sua família e o Klu Klux Klan, até sua morte, aos 27 anos. Sua vida conturbada é marcada tanto pelo racismo institucional como simbólico. Desmistifica-se Johnson, documentando os aspectos sociopolíticos da época, de forma a explicar seu legado deturpado pela mentalidade racista.Palavras-chave: Blues. História Afroamericana. Racismo.AbstractThis study intends to analyze the trajectory of Robert Johnson, an established african-american musician, about his experiences with racism during the decades of 1910 to 1930. This period was a time of extreme social tension for the black community, especially in the existing conditions of Mississippi, and the entirety of the United States at the time. "The Devil at the Crossroads," a documentary directed by Brian Oakes, approaches Johnson's life focusing from the conflicts of class between Johnson's family and members of the Klu Klux Klan to details of Johnson's life up until his untimely death at 27. Johnson's life was turbulent, stained by institucional and symbolic racism. By demythologizing Johnson, documenting the sociopolitical aspects of the period, Oakes explains how Johnson's legacy was perverted by the racist mentality.Keywords: Blues. African-American History. Racism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 379-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daphna Oyserman ◽  
Kathy Harrison ◽  
Deborah Bybee

We hypothesised a gender specific relationship between efficacy and three components of racial identity, feeling that achievement is part of being black, feeling connected to the black community, and sensitivity to, awareness of outgroup barriers and racism. Because male gender socialisation downplays relationality, the “connectedness” component of racial identity was posited to be particularly helpful for boys. Because female gender socialisation downplays independent achievement and agency, the “achievement” component of racial identity was posited to be particularly helpful for girls in buffering the negative effects of the “awareness of racism” component. Controlling for fall grades and academic efficacy, fall racial identity significantly predicted spring academic efficacy differentially for boys and girls (n = 91 African-American eighth graders), with the lack of the achievement component of racial identity being particularly detrimental to girls.


2012 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-229
Author(s):  
Patty R. Colman

John Ballard, an African American pioneer from Kentucky, became a leader of Los Angeles's black community, 1850s–1870s. His story illustrates the early opportunities for black Angelenos in institution-formation, political activism, property ownership, and economic success. However, with the railroad booms of the 1870s and 1880s, Ballard and other prominent black citizens suffered a loss of social and economic status. Ballard ended up homesteading in the Santa Monica Mountains.


2019 ◽  
Vol 91 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-647
Author(s):  
Roberta Wolfson

Abstract This essay examines two oppositional figures in Paul Beatty’s debut novel, The White Boy Shuffle (1996), and most recent novel, The Sellout (2015): the exalted race leader and the excoriated race traitor. Positioned at extreme ends of the spectrum of exceptionalism, these figures function to perpetuate a phenomenon that the essay’s author terms the necropolitics of black exceptionalism, the paradox of justifying the violent oppression of the majority of black people by celebrating or censuring a single black figure. In exploring the absurd dimensions of these extreme figures through the lens of satire, both novels denounce black exceptionalism as a necropolitical tool of oppression that entrenches the social death and civic exclusion of black people in a modern US society that purports to be color-blind and postracial. Emerging within the postmodern turn of the African American literary tradition, these novels take on a nihilistic tone to raise questions about how the black community might effectively (if at all) achieve civil progress in the contemporary age. Ultimately, these satirical novels reimagine historically necropolitical spaces, such as the basketball court, the plantation, and the segregated urban neighborhood, as potential, albeit vexed sites of black agency, empowerment, and community building.


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