Borderline citizens: women and the political process

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Gleadle
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Poor Law ◽  
Female Participation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Poor

This chapter considers how, as ratepayers, householders, electors, parliamentary constituents, petitioners, welfare providers, and policy experts, women in Britain were commonly treated as political subjects. Women were ‘borderline citizens’ whose status hovered permanently in the interstices of the political nation: their involvement could be evoked and sanctioned as quickly as it could be dismissed and undermined. This chapter focuses on the structural qualities of the political process and the ways in which they variously facilitated or limited female participation. It was in the parish that women enjoyed the most expansive opportunities, yet parochial authority was increasingly eroded in this period thanks to reforms such as the Poor Law Amendment Act and the Municipal Corporations Act. This chapter also discusses the involvement of women in parliamentary elections, local elections, and petitioning.

Chief Lamidi Adedibu and patronage politics in Nigeria

2007 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-446 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale ◽  
Akinpelu Olanrewaju Olutayo
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Patronage Politics ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Political Leverage

ABSTRACTSince the acceptance of multi-party democracy as the most viable alternative to autocracy and military rule in Africa, democratic rule has become the vogue. Nigeria's attempt at democracy was (and is) accompanied by patronage politics, whereby certain personalities exact great influence on the political process. This study spotlights Chief Lamidi Adedibu and his patronage style in Nigerian politics, and shows that Adedibu gained political ‘patronic’ prominence during Nigeria's Third Republic in the 1990s, through the provision of the survival needs of the poor majority who are, mostly, used as thugs for protection against challenges from opponents and for political leverage. Since then, he has remained a ‘valuable tool’ of ‘any government in power’ and politicians ready to provide the necessary goods for onward transmission to clients.

Welfare in the Free State

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Powell
Keyword(s):  
Free State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Poor Law ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Taxation Policy ◽  
Barren Ground ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Home Assistance

This chapter analyzes the meaning and content of welfare in the Free State. It argues that independence did not bring about a social revolution in Ireland. On the contrary, the political gains achieved prior to decolonisation in the context of the growing labour ferment and the widening of the franchise were eroded. The People's Budget (1909) was replaced by a taxation policy which redistributed wealth to the middle classes. Pensions were cut. Home assistance, which grew in line with burgeoning unemployment, was a source of concern to the new administration. Despite changes in nomenclature and cuts in the level of provision, the Poor Law remained in its degrading form. The promise of the Democratic Programme 1919 to further extend social rights had fallen on barren ground in the new nationalist state.

The Duty of Diplomatic Dissent

2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-301
Author(s):  
John Brady Kiesling
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Real World ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
Political Process ◽  
State Department ◽  
Policy Impact ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Outcome ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Us

AbstractThe poor outcome of the Iraq War has highlighted the usefulness of 'reality-based' foreign policy. Yet the personal and professional consequences of dissent remain high in the US (and every other) diplomatic service. The Dissent Channel, currently underutilized, was designed to protect both the US State Department and its employees from bureaucratic retaliation for unwelcome real-world expertise. It should be reinvigorated. However, the unimpressive policy impact of dissent, whether through institutional channels or public resignations, makes it clear that effective dissent requires mobilizing the domestic political process as a force multiplier. Good dissent raises the political price of foreign policy blunders, and only through turning a bureaucratic system painfully against itself can blunders actually be prevented.

Reconciliation of Identity Groups in Iraq

2019 ◽  
pp. 707-726
Author(s):  
Nazar Jamil Abdulazeez
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Iraqi Kurdistan ◽  
Time Period ◽  
Ethnic Tension ◽  
Displaced People

Since the parliamentary elections in 31st April 2014, the political process in Iraq described as a fragile, ethnic tension have mounted and security situation declined tremendously with the rises of Islamic State in Sunni Arab populated areas. Since 10th June 2014, over a million internally displaced people approached Iraqi Kurdistan Region in a two-week time period. More than 300,000 monitories, including Yazidi Kurds and Christians, have fled to Duhok city. Additionally, over 40,000 civilians Yazidis trapped for a week in the mountain of Snjar, running from Islamic State (IS). This text works out measures for accommodating conflicts and claims of Iraqi sectarian groups. In order to explore and assess application of those means in conflict accommodation in Iraq, first, this text analyses the conflict through identifying actors, outlines the structure of the conflict and change in the dynamic of the conflict over the time. Second section of this text, illustrates the means for reconciliation of different identities in the world of politics based on the conflict analysis.

Tories and Paupers: Christian Political Economy and the Making of the New Poor Law

1990 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandler
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Royal Commission ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Law ◽  
Poor Laws ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Political Economist

Everyone knows that Edwin Chadwick wrote the New Poor Law; or, rather, that he wrote the report – issued in 1834 by the royal commission appointed two years earlier to inquire into the poor laws – which formed the basis for the New Poor Law. The well-informed among us might add the name of the political economist Nassau Senior as Chadwick's co-author. But few would be able to supply any of the further seven names which stood with Chadwick's and Senior's as co-signatories to the report. These seven royal commissioners were Bishop Blomfield of London, Bishop Sumner of Chester, William Sturges Bourne, M.P., the Rev. Henry Bishop, Henry Gawler, Walter Coulson, and James Traill.

scholarly journals Analisis Implementasi Calon Perseorangan dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Secara Langsung

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
The People ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Recruitment System ◽  
Regional Leaders ◽  
Regional Elections

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah

scholarly journals Increasing the Popularity of Antisystem (Non-Traditional) Parties in the Czech Republic

2021 ◽  
pp. 50-63
Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The People ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Will

The article examines the course of the elections to the lower house of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, their role and place in the political process of the country. The author argues that pluralism of opinion and multiparty system in the Czech Republic practically confirm their real strength, as evidenced by the participation of many parties in parliamentary elections and the fact, that that nine of them managed to overcome the 5% barrier and to obtain a certain number of deputy mandates. The programs of parliamentary parties are analyzed, their main election slogans and the results they achieved in the elections. Much attention in the article is paid to the winner of this election – the centrist political force – movement "Action of dissatisfied citizens", whose leader was appointed Prime Minister of the Czech Republic. Emphasis is placed on new trends in the political process, which were confirmed during the will of the people. Among them, the author highlights the growing popularity of anti-system (non-traditional) parties. In their election statements, these parties set out to protest the change in the political system of society. Along with this process, the crisis of traditional parties deepened, who were previously members of the governing bodies of the state, but they failed to demonstrate their compliance with voter inquiries, who sought solutions to pressing issues. This is confirmed by the results of traditional Czech parties – Communist Party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which managed to get only 7.76% of the vote of the voters and the leader of the previous elections – the Czech Social Democratic Party, which won the support of only 7.27% of voters, having lost almost 13% of the vote in four years.

‘A moral insurrection’: faction fighters, public demonstrations and the O’Connellite campaign, 1828

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (120) ◽  
pp. 513-541
Author(s):  
Gary Owens
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Rural Society ◽  
Late Summer ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
South West ◽  
Political Demonstrations ◽  
Public Demonstrations ◽  
West Of Ireland

During a twelve-week period in the late summer of 1828 upwards of a quarter of a million people participated in at least sixty mass demonstrations in the south-west of Ireland. Appearing to erupt spontaneously in response to Daniel O’Connell’s historic victory in the County Clare election in early July, these gatherings grew in size and complexity over the succeeding weeks; by late September jubilant but well-ordered assemblies of twenty and thirty thousand people — many marching in identical green uniforms and with military precision behind bands and colourful banners — were taking place simultaneously in several County Tipperary towns to support O’Connell’s crusade for Catholic emancipation.Political demonstrations on this scale were virtually unprecedented outside the province of Ulster. While processions and large rallies had sometimes been used to honour important politicians during parliamentary elections, and while they had long been part of civic, military and religious pageantry, they had never before been staged in such a co-ordinated and prolonged fashion. What made these spectacles particularly remarkable, however, was that their participants were mainly drawn from the very lowest ranks of rural society and represented groups which had hitherto been excluded from the political process. The novelty of such people marching so often with uniforms and other military regalia caused widespread bewilderment and alarm. Journalists and magistrates liberally sprinkled their descriptions of the meetings with phrases such as ‘novel’, ‘portentous’, ‘unprecedented’, ‘frightful’, and ‘the strangest scene ever witnessed’. One of them observed that had such displays taken place even a few years earlier, they ‘would not only have been deemed factious but treasonable’. As the meetings swelled, many observers thought them to be the harbingers of a mass uprising.

Reconciliation of Identity Groups in Iraq

2016 ◽  
pp. 278-297
Author(s):  
Nazar Jamil Abdulazeez
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Iraqi Kurdistan ◽  
Time Period ◽  
Ethnic Tension ◽  
Displaced People

Since the parliamentary elections in 31st April 2014, the political process in Iraq described as a fragile, ethnic tension have mounted and security situation declined tremendously with the rises of Islamic State in Sunni Arab populated areas. Since 10th June 2014, over a million internally displaced people approached Iraqi Kurdistan Region in a two-week time period. More than 300,000 monitories, including Yazidi Kurds and Christians, have fled to Duhok city. Additionally, over 40,000 civilians Yazidis trapped for a week in the mountain of Snjar, running from Islamic State (IS). This text works out measures for accommodating conflicts and claims of Iraqi sectarian groups. In order to explore and assess application of those means in conflict accommodation in Iraq, first, this text analyses the conflict through identifying actors, outlines the structure of the conflict and change in the dynamic of the conflict over the time. Second section of this text, illustrates the means for reconciliation of different identities in the world of politics based on the conflict analysis.

The Significance of The 2014 Local Elections in Turkey for Decentralisation and Local Autonomy

2016 ◽  
pp. 364-389
Author(s):  
Ugur Sadioglu ◽  
Kadir Dede ◽  
Ali Arda Yüceyılmaz
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Election Process ◽  
City Model ◽  
Election Results

30 March 2014 Local Elections were held in Turkey at the end of an extraordinarily political process and in a highly polarized atmosphere. The election exceeded the limits of the characteristic of “being local” due to such developments recorded in the pre-election period as anti-government social opposition raised against Justice and Development Party (JDP) by Gezi Park protests, tension between judicial and executive organs resulting from the power struggle between the political, social and economic interest groups and corruption investigations opened against the ministers. Ruling JDP Government turned the election into a confidence vote and Turkey entered into the local election process with the new metropolitan model (“Whole City” model). Colorful, vivid and costly election process ended up with a political geography of local election, which should be subjected to new and important analyses. Thus this chapter discusses the issue of local autonomy over pre-election propaganda process, new metropolitan municipality model, election results and political geography analyses.

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