scholarly journals The theory of peripheral capitalism: on the applicability of the Latin American model to the Baltic States. An attempt at an inter-disciplinary analysis

Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
I. A. Maksimtsev ◽  
N. M. Mezhevich ◽  
N. P. Sirota

The relevance of this study of post-Soviet transition lies in the focus on the technically theoretical problems that are nevertheless the key to understanding regional development processes in the East of the Baltic Sea. The research aims to verify the theory of peripheral capitalism as applied to the Baltic States. The first theoretical objective is to draw a distinction between the ideas of modernisation and transformation in a regional context. The second objective is to adjust the theory of peripheral capitalism to smaller states. To study the features of the transformation of economic and political systems in the Baltics, this article conducts comparative analysis. Systemic analysis and the principles of theoretical and empirical analysis are used as well. Building on this work, the study identifies the deficiencies of the theoretical and methodological potential of transition studies. These include claims that the theoretical and methodological potential of transition as applied to post-Socialist and post-Soviet Europe has been completely fulfilled. Geographical differences between Latin America and the Baltic States are so obvious that they eclipse economic similarities between the processes and development models characteristic of the two regions of the world. An analysis of current developments in Latin America makes it possible to forecast the economic and, to a degree, political consequences of the trends that are just emerging in the Baltics. This article seeks to prove the above thesis.

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marius Lazdinis ◽  
Andrew Carver ◽  
Lars Carlsson ◽  
Kristjan Tõnisson ◽  
Lelde Vilkriste

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Luis Alberto Malagón Plata

This article considers multiple perspectives and notions about education that prevailed in the development of universities in Latin America. As complex institutions, universities have been developed following multiple models and through contradictory processes, maintaining ancient traditions and incorporating modern characteristics, to the extent that in contemporary universities it is possible to see the traces of previous models (medieval and modern universities). Accordingly, during the last century, the Latin American model of the university has been marked by conflict, but contrary to other analysis which see weaknesses in conflicts, this article concludes that the conflictive character of universities in Latin America has permitted the development of institutions where complex and critical thought emerged.


1968 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orville G. Cope

Political scientists have embarked upon the creation of “grand theories” of “political development” and “modernization” in the emerging nations of the world in an effort to explain the changing nature of various political systems. Applications of these theories to Latin America have been relatively recent. However, lack of sufficient scientifically verified data about Latin American social and political phenomena still exists, thus making generalized theories about political development inconclusive. This study is an attempt to provide an analysis of a national congressional election in a Latin American nation, Chile. A description of the legitimacy of Chile's changing election system and an examination of the issues and voting results of the 1965 congressional election serve as important points of entry into the complex subject of political development in one nation of Latin America.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 70-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carreras

AbstractOne of the most significant developments in Latin American democracies since the beginning of the Third Wave of democratization is the rise to power of political outsiders. However, the study of the political consequences of this phenomenon has been neglected. This article begins to fill that gap by examining whether the rise of outsiders in the region increases the level of executive-legislative confrontation. Using an original database of political outsiders in Latin America, it reports a series of logistic regressions showing that the risk of executive-legislative conflict significantly increases when the president is an outsider. The likelihood of institutional paralysis increases when an independent gets elected, due to the legislative body's lack of support for the president and the outsider's lack of political skills. The risk of an executive's attempted dissolution of Congress is also much higher when the president is an outsider.


1986 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
S B Hecht

A recent issue of Society and Space was concerned with regional planning in Latin America. The papers focused either on sweepingly macrolevel analysis or on local community-based development strategies. This paper is an outline of some of the problems with this discourse as it was presented in the journal, and it is suggested that both groups have neglected the theoretical, empirical, and practical importance of ‘middle level’ analyses. It is at this level where the larger processes and local dynamics unfold, and where the real constraints and contingencies occur. Given the current complexity of Latin American development processes, comforting notions about transnational corporations or romantic views of community development will not advance our analytics or address the practical challenges.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 833-857 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne A. Cornelius

A large descriptive and conjectural literature has evolved during the past decade suggesting that rapid urbanization—conceived primarily as a massive demographic shift from country to city—constitutes an important agent of political instability in much of Latin America, favoring the growth of alienation and radicalism. This effect is frequently attributed to the frustration of migrant expectations for economic improvement and social mobility in the large cities, or to the processes of personal and social disorganization allegedly inherent in the migration experience. Although field researchers have long suspected the inadequacy of such theory, derived largely from the urbanization experiences of advanced Western nations, for explaining political instability in Latin America, there have been few systematic attempts at testing the various propositions and unconfirmed generalizations advanced by the “urban instability-crisis-and-chaos” theorists. This paper attempts to explore, if not to test, some of the empirical implications of the general theoretical conceptions of the urbanizing process and its socio-political consequences as developed in recent social science literature on Latin America. Mexico is selected for analysis both by virtue of its extremely rapid rate of rural-urban migration in recent years and because of the opportunities afforded by the availability for Mexico of detailed survey data from a number of independent sources to examine systematically a wide range of theoretically relevant variables and relationships posited in the urbanization literature. While in certain areas (as indicated below) the particular nature of the Mexican political system and developmental pattern may render these findings imperfect as predictors for other parts of Latin America, the analysis presented here should serve to identify the major inadequacies of existing theory and illustrate the need for new conceptual models which can encompass both stabilizing and destabilizing concomitants of rapid urban concentration in a developing nation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-422
Author(s):  
Melina Altamirano ◽  
Sarah Berens ◽  
Sandra Ley

Criminal violence is one of the most pressing problems in Latin America and the Caribbean, with profound political consequences. Its effects on social policy preferences, however, remain largely unexplored. This article argues that to understand such effects it is crucial to analyze victimization experiences and perceptions of insecurity as separate phenomena with distinct attitudinal consequences. Heightened perceptions of insecurity are associated with a reduced demand for public welfare provision, as such perceptions reflect a sense of the state’s failure to provide public security. At the same time, acknowledging the mounting costs and needs that direct experience with crime entails, victimization is expected to increase support for social policies, particularly for health services. Survey data from twenty-four Latin American and Caribbean countries for the period 2008–12 show that perceptions of insecurity indeed reduce support for the state’s role in welfare provision, whereas crime victimization strongly increases such preferences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1513-1525
Author(s):  
Frank R. Baumgartner ◽  
Bryan D. Jones ◽  
Laura Chaqués Bonafont

Abstract The Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) collects, organizes, and makes freely available millions of bits of information concerning the objects of government attention over long periods of time (often back to the Second World War) for more than 25 political systems, worldwide. As researchers affiliated with the CAP expand their projects into Latin America, they confront some challenges similar to those from other regions, and some unique to their national political systems. In this introductory essay, we explore the background of the CAP and the opportunities posed by its expansion into Latin American political systems.


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