scholarly journals Manual de Campamentos del Frente de Juventudes (ediciones de 1943 y 1948): variaciones en torno a la cultura política y la disciplina de los cuerpos en la España franquista

2020 ◽  
pp. 503
Author(s):  
Emilio Castillejo Cambra
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Food Storage ◽  
The Political ◽  
Health Food ◽  
Calorie Consumption ◽  
Organic Structure ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Subject

This article analyzes and compares the 1943 and 1948 editions of the Camp Manual, which provides instructions for the camp commanders of the Youth Front, the Francoist equivalent of Mussolini’s Balilla and the Nazi Hitler-Jugend. In these manuals, the camp appears as a microcosm that reflects the organic structure and government practice of the Francoist State, including its biopolitical aspects: health, food storage, calorie consumption... The political culture that they transmit and its variants maintain an affinity with the normalization of the bodies of the campers: while the Phalangist subculture imposes strength, martiality and rectitude upon the bodies, the Catholic subculture imposes meekness and sinuous forms. The two editions of the manual also reflect the evolution of Franco’s regime. In the 1943 edition, the leaflet of the camp leader reflects the Fascistization of the State. The 1948 edition, on the other hand, stresses the legitimization of the encyclical Divini Illius Magistri or the imposition of a Christian pedagogy (principle of self-direction), and it speaks of the establishment of a Catholic State. This includes the concept of the culture of the participative subject, linked in turn to a new normalization of the bodies (greater distention, oblique lines), without this implying the disappearance of the traditional forms of control or the automatic movements (parades, formations), characteristic of the culture of the subject that gives unity to Francoism.

scholarly journals Verbal Groups of Telic Action in Albanian Language

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Gjilda Alimhilli Prendushi
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Syntactic Features ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Basic Meaning ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Syntactic Behavior

In this article I introduce and analyze the syntactic behaviour (compatibility and restrictions) of achievement and accomplishment verbs in standard Albanian, according to Aktionsart. The Aktionsart is a system of classification of verbs into verbal classes morphologically distinct from each other, in which at the basic meaning of the verb are added different values of space, quality, etc. The accomplishments and achievements in Albanian have comparable action meaning and syntactic behavior, such as to justify their inclusion in the class of telic verbs. A telic verb is that one which presents an action or event as being completed in some manner. On the other hand, these two subclasses of telics are also characterized on the basis of a series of distinctive elements that lead us to lay a certain distinction between them. An accomplishment verb is a form that expresses that something or someone has undergone a change in state as the result of the completion of an event. On the other side an achievement verbs express an instant action that changes the state of the subject. By using the categories and procedures of textual linguistics I focus on the semantic and syntactic features of some groups of verbs.

Rytuały w przestrzeni politycznej na przykładzie Ustki

2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Maciej Rogulski
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Local Dimension ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City

Rituals are of great importance in politics at every level. Rituals bind society and strengthen their identity. Besides rituals strengthen attach-ment to culture, land and state power. On the other hand state power increases legitimacy by performing respected rituals. There are many interesting ways to classify rituals in the literature on the subject. For the purpose of showing rituals in the political space of the city of Ustka, it seems appropriate to distinguish above all the rituals of a national char-acter and those of a local dimension. In the case concept of the ritual, however, there are no final divisions, and the boundaries that divide them are certainly not impassable.

scholarly journals Political Culture in Post-Communist Countries: Albanian Case

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Orinda Malltezı
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Central Axis ◽  
The Political ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
Similar Elements

The goal of this article is to establish the degree of interrelation between state and society as well as the implications that come from this interrelation by focusing on the Albanian case. If the state is perceived in relation with the society, then what comes as a result of this relationship will be seen as Plexus. On the other hand, Nexus is the way the Albanian society perceives the relation between state and society mostly represented by the functioning of state, where the state is the central axis and the society has no influence on it. This derives mostly from the political culture which has been shaped during communism. Countries that experienced totalitarian regimes tend to have similar behavior and perception towards politics which is the product of political culture. In this regard, the political culture in post-totalitarian regimes shares similar elements such as: lacks of civic participation, lack of public on governments or politics, etc.

Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics

1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mair
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Processes Of Change ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One

The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.

scholarly journals Den filosofiske politiker – Frederik den Store og statsræsonen

2018 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Mathias Hein Jessen
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Reason Of State ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Thinker

Frederick the Great (ruled 1740-86) is one of the main figures of Enlightened Absolutism. Frederic was on the one hand an enlightened philosopher deeply inspired by the ideals of the Enlightenment. On the other hand he ruled one of the most autocratic states in history and commanded the strongest and most disciplined military force of his time. Despite his many writings, however, Frederick is rarely investigated as a political thinker. The article focuses on the political writings of Frederick the Great and more specifically on his use of the concept of reason of state to legitimize his rule, not least with regard to his enlightened ideals. In this struggle for legitimacy, Frederick abolishes the concept of a personal ruler, and in doing so becomes a fascinating figure in the transition from a personalized government to the abstract, depersonalized concept of the state that still dominates our political reality today.

scholarly journals Two pages from the culture of the double speech and of tacit suppositions

wisdom ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-11
Author(s):  
Ana Bazac
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Culture ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status

The power relations – at the time of Erasmus and Mandeville, and also in present – make the critique of the status quo to be very difficult. An answer to this situation was and is the complex of the double speech and tacit political suppositions. The paper suggests some similarities between the texts of the above-mentioned thinkers and, on the other hand, the present mainstream political jargon, by emphasising rather the differences: it is noteworthy that Mandeville and Erasmus had a strong, while indirect through their humoristic use of the double speech, critique of the state of things described by them. The conclusions developed here concern the tacit suppositions in the political discourse and how the two items are perennial within the modern culture.

Whose Mistake? The Errors of Friendship in Cicero, La Boétie, and Montaigne

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Bizer
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Wars Of Religion ◽  
Political Extremism ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
French Wars Of Religion ◽  
It Support ◽  
The One

Focusing on Montaigne’s adaptation of Cicero’s De amicitia within his own essay “On Friendship,” this chapter reveals Montaigne’s complex reception of the “Roman error” of putting friendship before the needs of the state. Drawn to such matters in part by his friendship with Étienne de La Boétie, Montaigne, in effect, disagrees with Cicero over how to react to this error. Cicero (through his Laelius) opts to condemn it, while Montaigne finds in it support for his view of friendship, one that in turn sustains Montaigne’s moderation amid the political extremism of the French Wars of Religion. Montaigne’s rejection of Roman friendship as error on the one hand reflects his questioning of the value of ancient models for understanding the present. On the other hand, however, his characterization of ideal friendship as autotelic and autonomous can also be seen as a tacit acknowledgment that friendship among the elite is inherently political.

scholarly journals Old Weimar Meets New Political Economy: Democratic Representation in the Party State

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-258
Author(s):  
Emanuel Towfigh
Keyword(s):  
State Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Theory ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Great Tradition ◽  
Party State

One of the prominent questions surrounding Weimar Theory of the State was that of the significance and influence of the political parties within the state. From the perspective of constitutional law, parties were as undesirable as they were an “inescapable” fact of modern statehood. They appeared to be an absolutely necessary consequence of the emancipation of all classes and social strata: Legitimation of state rule was no longer conceivable merely as a natural rule from above; on the other hand, there was no longer a unified bourgeoisie, and it thus seemed impossible for the political whole to be represented by people who felt beholden exclusively to the common weal. The homogeneous “people” had become a heterogeneous “mass.” The parties seemed to be a necessity, on the one hand, for active citizens to articulate themselves in the political system and, on the other hand, for state unity not to be torn apart by the power of a plurality of interests leaning in many different directions. Parties could therefore be conceived of as aprerequisitefor state organisation: The idea of the “party state” was born. One important protagonist in the discussion on the status of parties within the state structure was the constitutional legal scholar Gerhard Leibholz (1901–1982). In Weimar times, he was the most prominent representative of party state theory (Parteienstaatslehre), and as someone who “had somehow fallen between the eras,” he also actively shaped the party state of the Bonn Republic for over twenty years (1951–1971), as a judge at the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), by significantly influencing legislation on parliamentary, party, and electoral law. His persona was therefore a particularly important bridging link between the Weimar Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, and even today, his theses are highly topical: “Beyond all eras, Gerhard Leibholz stands for the great tradition of German constitutional theory.”

Cura Religionis or Two Kingdoms: The Late Luther on Religion and the State in the Lectures on Genesis

2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Whitford
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Long Line ◽  
Major Shortcoming ◽  
The One ◽  
Two Kingdoms ◽  
Civil Order ◽  
Opening Up

In 1996, Bernhard Lohse wondered if the Luther presented by some would recognize the Luther described by others. Trying to recognize the “political” Luther would be especially difficult. On the one hand, Thomas Müntzer was but the first in a long line of polemicists, journalists, politicians, and scholars who have accused Luther of releasing the sword of secular authority from all control and thereby opening up centuries of authoritarian subjugation. On the other hand, Peter Frarin argued in 1566 that Protestantism equaled sedition, rebellion, and the subversion of civil order. In the criticism of Luther for being either too conservative or too liberal, one thing remained fairly constant: the source of Luther's major shortcoming—his theology of the Two Kingdoms.

A Fundamentação Kantiana do Estado de Direito

2004 ◽  
Vol 12 (24) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Aylton Barbieri Durão ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Private Property ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Evolutionary Anthropology ◽  
Civil State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Original Contract ◽  
The Right

Kant intends to present a Foundation of the state of right based on the reconstruction of Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s thought. Like the Genevanese philosopher who presents an empirical explanation based on the evolutionary anthropology, and a rational Foundation, based on the political and juridical philosophy, Kant also imagines two ways to fundament the state of right. In his empirical explanation, along with the anthropology, he introduces the history philosophy, which considers that the unsociable sociability makes the humankind leave its state of nature and establish, by means of an usurper, the civil state, in which it gradually approaches the republican constitution and, later, the States Federation and the cosmopolitan right; the rational Foundation, on the other hand, shows how the original contract indirectly determines the Foundation of the civil state, to the extent that only through it is it possible to establish the presumption of the right to the private property that will just turn effective in the civil state itself, although the public right directly postulates the state fundament, which is obtained analytically from the principle of the right in opposition to the concept of violence.

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