scholarly journals Democracia, representación y participación ciudadana, a la búsqueda de un equilibrio que la Constitución no logró // Democracy, Representation and Citizen Participation, in search of a balance that 1978 Constitution did not achieve

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (101) ◽  
pp. 239
Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Díaz Revorio
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Conditioning Factors ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Popular Initiative

Resumen:A la hora de regular el modelo de democracia y los mecanismos de participaciónciudadana, la Constitución de 1978 fue conformista y prudente. Estableció un modelo de democracia representativa basado en la posibilidad de elegir representantes cada cuatro años, pero sin especiales fórmulas de control y exigencias de responsabilidad política hacia ellos. Por lo demás, estableció una regulación restrictiva de los instrumentos de democracia directa y semidirecta, en especial del referéndum y de la iniciativa legislativa popular.Cuatro décadas después, las exigencias ciudadanas se han intensificado, generándose un cierto déficit de confianza entre electores y representantes. El trabajo analiza los principales déficits de la Constitución de 1978 en la materia, realizando varias propuestas para mejorar la calidad democrática, que en buena parte implican una amplia reforma constitucional: eliminar las restricciones constitucionales del referéndum y la iniciativa popular, incorporar vías de exigencia de responsabilidad y rendición de cuentas, limitar los mandatos del presidente, asegurar la democracia interna de los partidos políticos, eliminar algunas prerrogativas de los parlamentarios, entre otros.Abstract:When regulating the model of democracy and the mechanisms of citizen participation, the Constitution of 1978 was conformist and prudent. It established a model of representative democracy based on the possibility of electing representatives every four years, but without special formulas of control and demands of political responsibility towards them. Moreover, it established a restrictive regulation of the instruments of direct and semi-direct democracy, especially the referendum and popular legislative initiative. Four decades later, citizen demands have intensified, generating a certain lack of trust between voters and representatives. The paper analyzes the main deficits of the 1978 Constitution in the matter, making several proposals to improve the democratic quality, which in large part imply a broad constitutional reform: eliminate the constitutional restrictions of the referendum and popular initiative, incorporate channels of exigency of responsibility and accountability, limiting the president’s mandates, ensuring the internal democracy of political parties, eliminating some prerogatives of parliamentarians, among others. Summary:1. Representative democracy, direct democracy institutions, and citizen participation in Spanish Constitution: context and conditioning factors. 2. Some citizen participation institutions. 2.1. Referendum. 2.2. Popular initiative of Law. 2.3. The open council. 2.4. Participation in Administration. 2.5. The jury and others. 3. Four decades later, a crisis of confidence? 4. The task of democratic regeneration: good governance, participation, trust. 5. Development and legal reforms. 6. A task always pending: constitutional reform. 7. Conclusions

scholarly journals De la Constitución "irreformable" a la reforma constitucional "exprés"

2012 ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Title X ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Comparative Constitutional Law ◽  
Popular Initiative ◽  
Dual Expression ◽  
The Eu

Desde la perspectiva del Derecho constitucional comparado, la Constitución española de 1978 (CE) pasa por ser una de las más rígidas. Su Título X prevé dos procedimientos de reforma caracterizados ambos por la exigencia de amplias mayorías parlamentarias (3/5, reforma simplificada; 2/3, revisión agravada). La revisión agravada se cualifica por la exigencia de una doble expresión de mayoría de 2/3, mediando disolución de las Cortes y nuevas elecciones, además de un referendum preceptivo de ratificación. Significativamente, la CE excluye expresamente la iniciativa popular en el procedimiento de reforma. Todo ello explica, en términos jurídicos, las enormes dificultades con que se ha abierto paso en España el debate sobre la modificación de la CE. De este modo, en 35 años sólo ha tenido lugar dos veces (1992 y 2011), en contextos muy distintos, pero coincidentes en su conexión con las coordenadas impuestas por los compromisos de España con la UE.From the viewpoint of comparative constitutional law, the 1978 Spanish Constitution happens to be one of the most rigid. Its Title X provides with two constitutional reform procedures, both characterized by the need of wide parliamentary majorities (3/5, simplified reform; 2/3, aggravated review). The latter qualifies by the requirement of a dual expression of a majority of 2/3, with dissolution of Parliament followed by new elections, as well as with a mandatory referendum for ratification. Significantly, the Spanish Constitution expressly excludes the popular initiative in the process of reform. This explains, in legal terms, the enormous difficulties with which the debate on amending the Constitution has been raised in Spain, so that it has only occurred twice in 35 years (1992 and 2011), in very different contexts, but coinciding in its connection with the coordinates imposed by Spain’s commitments with the EU.

scholarly journals La filosofía de Ortega y Gasset y la participación ciudadana en la democracia electrónica / Ortega y Gasset and Citizen Participation in e-Democracy

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Karim J. Gherab Martín
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Intermediate Step ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Electronic Technology

ABSTRACTThespeech of James M. Buchanan in relation to the application of electronic technology to direct democracy is discussed. After analyzing the ideas of Buchanan and mentioningsome of the essential characteristics of digital technol-ogy, this paper proposes to introduce some concepts from Ortegay Gasset’s philosophyto help fill the gap between individual and political responsibility. We introduce an intermediate step: the corporate responsibility.RESUMENSe analiza el discurso de James M. Buchanan en relación a la aplicación de la tecnología electrónica a la democracia directa. Tras analizar las ideas de Buchanan y mencionar algunas de las características esenciales de la tecnología digital, este trabajo propone introducir ciertas nociones de la filosofía de Ortega y Gasset para ayudar a rellenar el vacío existente entre la responsabilidad individual y la responsabilidad política. Introducimos un eslabón intermedio: la responsabilidad corporativa.

Overcoming the failures of citizen participation: The relevance of the liberal approach in planning

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 448-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandar D Slaev ◽  
Atanas Kovachev ◽  
Boriana Nozharova ◽  
Diliana Daskalova ◽  
Peter Nikolov ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Public Administrators ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
Social Rules ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Liberal Approach

This article examines the obstacles to public participation in a representative democracy and the approaches that can help to overcome these obstacles. Democracy is never perfect because of the inherent difficulties of developing democratic institutions, yet the drawbacks of representative democracy are considerably greater than those of direct democracy. We consider public participation as an element of direct democracy integrated into the structure of representative democracy in order to balance the power of the centre with that of the constituent members of the democratic system. We underscore the role of nomocracy, by which we mean promoting the power of equitable legal and other social rules over the power of the centre. In public participation, the functioning of rules faces greater obstacles than in other forms of democracy. Thus, the professionalism of planners and public administrators is particularly important in formulating these rules; it is even more important when the challenges of establishing rules are major or insuperable. We distinguish between two types of planning professionalism: teleocratic (based primarily on technocratic skills) and nomocratic (based on the nomocratic liberal approach). We recognize the significance of the former, but our main contribution to the debate on public participation is to emphasize the crucial importance and priority of nomocratic professionalism in overcoming the difficulties of citizen involvement and the shortcomings of representative democracy. To test our conclusions, we explore the practice of citizen engagement in the process of planning bikeway networks in several large Bulgarian cities, where public participation is frustrated by the prevalence of the teleocratic approach and the lack of nomocratic traditions.

scholarly journals Reflexiones sobre una eventual reforma constitucional de los institutos de democracia directa y semidirecta // Reflections on a possible constitutional reform of institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Remedio Sánchez Ferriz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
New Left ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
Popular Initiative

Resumen:Pese a la teórica vinculación de la participación directa a la idea de democracia, la constituyente española fue extraordinariamente prudente en la regulación de los institutos de democracia semidirecta por temor de la izquierda a la repetición de las negativas experiencias históricas en el uso del referéndum; su decidida opción por la democracia representativa quedo fuera de toda duda en los debates parlamentarios. Por ello el texto de 1978 es extraordinariamente sobrio en la aceptación tanto de la iniciativa popular como del referéndum. Y no lo ha sido menos la práctica durante 40 años de estos instrumentos.Sin embargo, las más recientes formaciones políticas presentes en el Parlamento reivindican la importancia de la democracia semidirecta a nivel institucional como en paralelo observamos nuevas formas democráticas en la acción de los propios partidos políticos. Pero no queda claro que se este reivindicando la democracia semidirecta como instrumento de participación popular sino más bien parece invocarse como instrumento de un cambio constitucional al que tienden las nuevas izquierdas, a modo de ejercicio constituyente, sin que sea patente un proyecto de aceptación de tales medios con carácter general (o de ejercicio paralelo al de los poderes «constituidos»).La reciente experiencia de referéndums en países democráticos de nuestro entorno con resultados algo sorprendentes obliga a tenerlos en cuenta a la hora de reflexionar ante una posible reforma constitucional que afecte a los institutos de referencia. Ello explica las referencias comparadas que en el texto se contienen.Summary:I. Again on the idea of participation and democracy. II. Reluctance of the spanish constituent to host institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy. III. Four decades of democratic constitutional regime. IV. Some recent experiences in comparative law. V. On a possible constitutional reform that drives its development: possibilities and risks.Abstract:Despite the theoretical linkage of direct participation to the idea of democracy, the Spanish constituent was extraordinarily prudent in regulating the semi-direct democracy institutes by the fear of the political left to the repetition of the negative historical experiences in the use of the referendum; Its decided option for representative democracy was beyond doubt in parliamentary debates. That is why the 1978 text is extraordinarily sober in the acceptance of both the popular initiative and the referendum. And it has been no less the practice during 40 years of these instruments. However, the most recent political formations present in the Parliament claim the importance of semi-direct democracy at the institutional level, while in parallel we observe new democratic forms in the action of the political parties themselves. But it is not clear that they are claiming semi-direct democracy as an instrument of popular participation, but rather seems to be invoked as an instrument of constitutional change to which the new left tend, as a constituent exercise, without a project of acceptance of such General means (or exercise parallel to that of the «constituted» powers). The recent experience of referendums in democratic countries with surprising results requires them to be taken into account when reflecting on a possible constitutional reform affecting the relevant institutes.

Democracy in Unequal Terms

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Educational Levels ◽  
Lower Status ◽  
National Analysis ◽  
Cross National

This chapter summarizes the results of this study: changes in social structure and participation patterns are increasing social-status-based inequality in political participation. Those with higher educational levels, incomes, or occupation have greater political voice, while lower-status individuals are less politically involved. Moreover, the politically rich are getting richer, and the politically poor are getting poorer. The chapter then discusses the implications of these results. The chapter considers claims that participation erodes governance and some form of epistocracy (rule by the knowledgeable) is preferable. Cross-national analysis shows that well-governed democracies have high levels of citizen participation, including both conventional and contentious forms of action. In addition, the size of the SES participation gap is negatively related to good governance. The conclusion discusses ways that democracies might narrow the participation gap and give voice to those citizens who need government support.

Direct versus Representative Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Goodin ◽  
Kai Spiekermann
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Selection Effect ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Face

On the face of it, direct democracy should outperform representative democracy based on the number of voters. If, however, the electorate is better at selecting representatives than policies (the Selection Effect) or if the deliberation feasible among representatives leads to epistemic gains (the Deliberation Effect), then representative democracy may be preferable. Another factor is whether representatives act as delegates or trustees. If the former, the epistemic loss from bunching voters into constituencies is minimal. If the latter, the much smaller number of voters may be compensated for by the ability to deliberate among trustees. A mix of delegates and trustees can possibly benefit from both Selection and Deliberation Effects.

scholarly journals Knowledge co-creation in participatory policy and practice: Building community through data-driven direct democracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 205395172110194
Author(s):  
Myron A Godinho ◽  
Ann Borda ◽  
Timothy Kariotis ◽  
Andreea Molnar ◽  
Patty Kostkova ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Adaptive Learning ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Data Driven ◽  
Policy Cycle ◽  
Learning Mechanisms ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Building Community ◽  
Participatory Policy ◽  
Key Aspects

Engaging citizens with digital technology to co-create data, information and knowledge has widely become an important strategy for informing the policy response to COVID-19 and the ‘infodemic’ of misinformation in cyberspace. This move towards digital citizen participation aligns well with the United Nations’ agenda to encourage the use of digital tools to enable data-driven, direct democracy. From data capture to information generation, and knowledge co-creation, every stage of the data lifecycle bears important considerations to inform policy and practice. Drawing on evidence of participatory policy and practice during COVID-19, we outline a framework for citizen ‘e-participation’ in knowledge co-creation across every stage of the policy cycle. We explore how coupling the generation of information with that of social capital can provide opportunities to collectively build trust in institutions, accelerate recovery and facilitate the ‘e-society’. We outline the key aspects of realising this vision of data-driven direct democracy by discussing several examples. Sustaining participatory knowledge co-creation beyond COVID-19 requires that local organisations and institutions (e.g. academia, health and welfare, government, business) incorporate adaptive learning mechanisms into their operational and governance structures, their integrated service models, as well as employing emerging social innovations.

Demokracja nieprzedstawicielska – egalitarne „wyjście awaryjne”czy narzędzie autorytarnych populistów?

1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (301) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Bartosz Rydliński
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Neoliberal Globalization ◽  
Contemporary Debate ◽  
Democratic Political System

The article presents the main ideological and theoretic assumptions of non-representative democracy, having historically strongly left-wing character, not an easy practice of applying this form of democracy in Polish and European conditions. The author tries to indicate a certain dialectic dualism of direct democracy, which more and more often constitutes contemporary crisis of liberal democracy in the contemporary debate on the negative impact of neoliberal globalization on democratic political system.

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