scholarly journals España y la UE: objetivo ideológico y proyecto político (1978-2018) // Spain and the EU: Ideological objective and political project (1978-2018)

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (101) ◽  
pp. 777 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Bar Cendón
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
European Constitution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Single European Act ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Treaty Of Amsterdam ◽  
Second World

Resumen:El reingreso en el contexto europeo, del que España fue expulsada tras el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ha sido durante largo tiempo el objeto del componente ideológico y del proyecto político de la práctica totalidad de las fuerzas políticas españolas. El ingreso de España en las Comunidades Europeas, en enero de 1986, vino a suponer la realización de ese objetivo ideológico y de ese proyecto político. Desde entonces, España experimentó importantes cambios que mejoraron notablemente su estructura económica, pero también otros aspectos políticos y sociales. Estos cambios han sido descritos y analizados por la doctrina científica con todo detalle y extensión. Este trabajo, sin embargo, trata de describir y analizar cuáles han sido las aportaciones de España al proceso de integración europeo y su desarrollo en cada fase del mismo, y lo hace partiendo precisamente de lo que fueron los planteamientos políticos e ideológicos de las principales fuerzas políticas del momento. Algo que no se ha hecho hasta el presente con la debida extensión e interés que merece el tema.Abstract:The return to the European context, from which Spain was expelled after the end of the Second World War, has been the object of the ideological component and of the political project of almost all of the Spanish political forces for a long time. The admission of Spain into the European Communities, in January 1986, meant the realization of that ideological objective and political project. Since then, Spain experienced important changes that significantly improved its economic structure, but also other political and social aspects. All of these changes have been extensively described and analyzed by the specialized literature. This paper, however, tries to describe and analyze Spain’s contributions to the European integration process at each phase of its development, and it does so departing precisely from a description of the political and ideological positions ofthe political forces of that period. This is something that has not been done so far, with the extension and interest that the subject deserves. Summary:1. Introduction. 2. Europe as an ideological objective. 3. Europe as a political project. A) The first step: The Single European Act. B) Citizenship and cohesion: The Treaty of Maastricht. C) The foreign role and the social policy: The Treaty of Amsterdam. D) Enhancing the institutional position: The Treaty of Nice. E) From toughness to concession: The European Constitution. F) Weakness and relocation: The Treaty of Lisbon. 4. Conclusion.

The economic policies of Italian social democracy in the post-war period (1945–1962)

Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-151
Author(s):  
Mattia Granata
Keyword(s):  
Social Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Post War ◽  
Catholic Tradition

In post-war Italy, ‘reformism’ has been ignored by many, wished for by some, and pursued by only a few. While it was a beacon for the major progressive political forces of Western countries, in Italy this idea was for a long time considered an ‘impossible’ vision. Even when there have been attempts to trace its development, explain the reasons for its failure, or reassess some of its merits, it has been sought everywhere except where it should actually be located: within those parties which defined themselves and considered themselves reformist, for example within the social democrat tradition. For a long period on the political level, Italian social democracy was squeezed between the formidable Catholic tradition and a powerful Communist culture. These pressures contributed to its negation, on both a historiographical and a political level, including a denial of the features of modernity in its development, or at the very least the obscuring of its achievements. Italian reformism, whether a ‘possible’ or ‘impossible’ option, has thus been removed from consideration, both in politics and in historiography.

The Political and Aesthetic Power of the Everyday in Beckett's Happy Days

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
Julie Bates
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
First Century ◽  
Environmental Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Algerian War ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The Last Man ◽  
Second World

Happy Days is contemporaneous with a number of seminal contributions to the concept of the everyday in postwar France. This essay suggests that the increasingly constrained verbal and physical routines performed by its protagonist Winnie constitute a portrait of the everyday, and goes on to trace the affinities between Beckett's portrait and several formulations of the concept, with particular emphasis on the pronounced gendering of the everyday in many of these theories. The essay suggests the aerial bombings of the Second World War and methods of torture during the Algerian War as potential influences for Beckett's play, and draws a comparison with Marlen Haushofer's 1963 novel The Wall, which reimagines the Romantic myth of The Last Man as The Last Woman. It is significant, however, that the cataclysmic event that precedes the events of Happy Days remains unnamed. This lack of specificity, I suggest, is constitutive of the menace of the play, and has ensured that the political as well as aesthetic power of Happy Days has not dated. Indeed, the everyday of its sentinel figure posted in a blighted landscape continues to articulate the fears of audiences, for whom the play may resonate today as a staging of twenty-first century anxiety about environmental crisis. The essay concludes that in Happy Days we encounter an isolated female protagonist who contrives from scant material resources and habitual bodily rhythms a shelter within a hostile environment, who generates, in other words, an everyday despite the shattering of the social and temporal framework that conventionally underpin its formation. Beckett's play in this way demonstrates the political as well as aesthetic power of the everyday in a time of crisis.

The Ideology of Socialism and the Armenian Political Parties

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Given

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.

The Politics of Consultation

1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon Dion
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Social System ◽  
Political System ◽  
Economic Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces

THE DIVERSIFICATION IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION AND the growth of the political system have increased the number of instances of decision-making and intensified the relations between social and political forces. Parties and pressure groups are not enough in themselves to channel the interests, ideologies, and stresses, originating in the social system, into the political system. Nevertheless, during the last forty years, other, less familiar channels have broadened considerably and of these it is what we call the consultative councils which have made the greatest impact. So much has their importance grown in recent years that they must be considered as a mechanism of systemic interaction, comparable in weight to those of the pressure groups or parties. The consultative councils have, in fact, become a major cog in the political system and any attempt to exclude them is doomed to failure.

scholarly journals Issues of the Islamic form of Government in the Works of Abbasi Madani and his Political Activities

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-62
Author(s):  
Marina A. Sapronova
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Islamic Golden Age ◽  
Theoretical Issues

Abstract: following the events of the Arab Spring, theoretical issues of government are attracting growing interest in the social and political sphere in the Islamic East. Islamic concepts are being adopted and extensively used in a race for power by various political forces. In this connection, the experience of countries that have passed through the “Islamic boom” is of particular interest. The currently outlawed political party, Islamic Salvation Front, and its founder, Abbassi Madani, the outstanding theoretician of the concept of the Islamic Golden Age, who developed and presented to Algerian society his programme of Islamic reforms, had a great impact on the political process in Algeria during the 1990s. This paper presents the theoretical views of Abbassi Madani on Islamic government, with an analysis of the activities of the Islamic Salvation Front and its influence on society and the political process. The author concludes that the true motivation of the Islamists in Algeria was a desire to overcome the social and economic crisis and emerge from military dictatorship and economic mismanagement by the incumbent government, rather than a desire to reform the state along Islamic lines.

La crise du système politique italien par des observateurs socio-politiques nationaux

Res Publica ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Domenico Rossetti Di Valdalbero
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Italian Politics ◽  
Second World

In the last five years, the Italian political system registered its most important crisis. All parties, existing since the second world war, disappeared or were greatly transformed.  The main purpose of this article is to analyse the deepest causes of the first Italian republic's collapse, following some specific interpretations of ltalian political observers.L. Ricolfi bases his theory on the emergence of "Lega" and the return of laïque culture in Italy. The old christian democratic and communist parties will suffer the most from these changes.A. Sofri emphasizes the identity of northern regionalism between the "Lega" and the "Pool of Milan" ('Clean hands operation"). A real opposition emerges between the judges of Milan and the politicians of Rome.S. Romano and M.L. Salvadori prefer the historical approach: for them, the events of1990-1994 are very similar to what happened in 1922-1926and in 1943-1945. The absence of a pacific alternative and the "ideological war" among political forces produce the effect that every change in Italian politics implies an end of regime.L. Ornaghi and V.B. Parsi deal with the "values" of citizens which, very often, do not correspond to the values of old politicians. For them, a democracy for the political parties -as structured in the last 45 years- must give priority to a democracy for the citizens.

Rape as a Weapon of War in Myanmar/Burma

2019 ◽  
pp. 266-284
Author(s):  
Annalise Oatman ◽  
Kate Majewski
Keyword(s):  
Historical Development ◽  
Legal Culture ◽  
Minority Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Minority Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines the conflict in Myanmar and its historical development as an example of the way that rape is wielded as a weapon of war. It also provides a discussion of advocacy for the ethnic minority women of Myanmar at the grassroots, national, and international levels. It reviews statistics on conflict-related rape and theories regarding the social and political forces driving it. It examines the political history of Myanmar and the status of Myanmarese women. It also discusses the way that current conditions have set the stage for conflict-related rape in Myanmar and data on its prevalence. It discusses the extradition of the rapist of a 7-year-old girl, Myanmarese grassroots efforts to address this issue, and international proposals for reform. In addition, it discusses the way that the “legal culture” of a nation can get in the way of the enactment of international legislation.

Partisans and Nationalists

2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-196
Author(s):  
Patrick Hossay
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Change ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Response ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Social Scientific ◽  
Political Scene

The author provides a critical response to the social scientific literature that cast political interest and cleavages as the projection of sociocultural dynamics onto the political scene. Sociopolitical cleavages in general, and nationalism in particular, are thus viewed as having taken form outside the partisan arena, and only subsequent to their societal formation do they take on political importance. Through a comparison of the development of political nationalism in interwar Scotland and Flanders, the author argues for the importance of political forces in defining and shaping the political and social meaning and significance of nationalism. In Scotland, despite the potential popular appeal of nationalism, it does not emerge as a significant and autonomous political cleavage, principally due to configurations of partisan programs and alliances, and a politically unfavorable “demographic geometry.” In Flanders, on the other hand, markedly different political conditions fostered the development and societal significance of nationalism. Hence, political nationalism did not emerge as a necessary concomitant to societal and cultural change; it was in part the result of political conditions and institutions that could foster or constrain the sociopolitical significance and meaning of nationalism.

scholarly journals A két világháború közti libanoni rendszer természetrajza

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Daher Rashed
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Language Groups ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Mandate System ◽  
Second World

The reconfiguration of the Middle East after the First World War can be regarded as the first wave of Europeanization in the Middle East. The centuries-long imperial order that defined the region and originated from local factors were replaced by a European-type modern state system, in which mandate powers such as France and Great Britain established Western institutions with their secular ideology, administrative basis, and understanding of sovereignty. It was evident from the beginning, that the arbitrarily designated borders broke many wellestablished local compromises and subverted the delicate balance between different sects, religions, language groups, and nations. The case of Lebanon – as the most complex area concerning the ethnic and sectarian divisions – illustrates the fact that implementing a European style nationstate into a Middle Eastern environment met with resistance and these set of internal contradictions have been exerting influence on the political situation of the region ever since. Although the mandate system of the interwar period broke up and Lebanon gained independence after the Second World War, the original demands by local movements (e.g. establishing a Greater Syria) was not possible owing to the firm establishment of new borders after 1918. In practice, this meant that independence was materialized in a framework defined by France and Great Britain and this condition considerably limited the space of action both on the political and the social level.

scholarly journals EUROPEAN LABOUR MARKET IN PANDEMIC REALITY

2020 ◽  
pp. 128-139
Author(s):  
Natalia Govorova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Long Time ◽  
To Come ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Restrictive Measures ◽  
Domestic Economies ◽  
The Eu

The beginning of 2020 was marked by an outbreak of the global pandemic COVID-19, which forced almost all governments to adopt restrictive measures in which social distance played a key role. In order to stop the spread of the virus and ensure the safety of people, many businesses were temporarily shut down and millions of workers were absent from their workplaces for long periods. So far, it is difficult to predict how much time, financial resources and effort it will take various actors to recover the world, European and domestic economies. Individual sectors and enterprises will continue to be adversely affected by the effects of the pandemic for a long time to come and will have to increase costs to ensure safety for operational process and labour force. The global impact of the coronavirus pandemic in social, economic, demographic, financial, political and other areas has yet to be comprehensively assessed and analyzed by experts. The article provides insight into analysis of the European labour market and measures adopted by the EU on smoothing the consequences of the coronavirus crisis in the social and labour spheres.

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