scholarly journals Donald Trump as a cultural revolt against perceived communication restriction: Priming political correctness norms causes more Trump support

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 244-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucian Gideon Conway ◽  
Meredith A. Repke ◽  
Shannon C. Houck

Donald Trump has consistently performed better politically than his negative polling indicators suggested he would. Although there is a tendency to think of Trump support as reflecting ideological conservatism, we argue that part of his support during the election came from a non-ideological source: The preponderant salience of norms restricting communication (Political Correctness – or PC – norms). This perspective suggests that these norms, while successfully reducing the amount of negative communication in the short term, may produce more support for negative communication in the long term. In this framework, support for Donald Trump was in part the result of over-exposure to PC norms. Consistent with this, on a sample of largely politically moderate Americans taken during the General Election in the Fall of 2016, we show that temporarily priming PC norms significantly increased support for Donald Trump (but not Hillary Clinton). We further show that chronic emotional reactance towards restrictive communication norms positively predicted support for Trump (but not Clinton), and that this effect remains significant even when controlling for political ideology. In total, this work provides evidence that norms that are designed to increase the overall amount of positive communication can actually backfire by increasing support for a politician who uses extremely negative language that explicitly violates the norm.

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (9) ◽  
pp. 2937-2960 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorena Leuchtmann ◽  
Anne Milek ◽  
Katharina Bernecker ◽  
Fridtjof W. Nussbeck ◽  
Sabine Backes ◽  
...  

Negative and positive conflict communication predicts long-term relationship satisfaction. However, some studies show harmful effects and others show beneficial effects of negative conflict communication on long-term relationship satisfaction. One reason for the heterogeneous results might be that most studies focused on aggregated behaviors across a conflict interaction but neglected the temporal dynamics within such an interaction. This study examined whether individual initial levels and temporal trajectories of negative and positive communications predict long-term relationship satisfaction, and whether self-efficacy beliefs about clarity of other’s feelings (CoF) alter initial levels and temporal trajectories of negative and positive communications. Negative and positive communications were measured based on sequentially coded conflict discussions of 365 couples; self-efficacy beliefs about CoF and relationship satisfaction were measured by self-report questionnaires at baseline and at four annual follow-up assessments. Results revealed that women’s initial positive communication predicted higher intercepts of both partners’ relationship satisfaction, and stronger decreases in women’s negative communication predicted a higher intercept of relationship satisfaction in women. Additionally, less steep decreases in women’s trajectories of negative communication predicted greater maintenance in women’s relationship satisfaction over time. Additionally, men’s self-efficacy beliefs about CoF predicted decreases in men’s negative communication, increases in women’s negative communication, and higher initial levels of women’s positive communication. The current study highlights the relevance of dynamic aspects of partners’ communication behaviors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 545-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick A. Stewart ◽  
Austin D. Eubanks ◽  
Reagan G. Dye ◽  
Scott Eidelman ◽  
Robert H. Wicks

A field experiment was conducted to analyze the third and final 2016 presidential debate. Randomly assigned participants watched the debate in the format of mainly solo camera shots that alternate between the candidates (i.e., switched feed), or with both candidates framed side-by-side on screen (i.e., split screen feed). Though viewer feelings of positivity toward the candidates did not differ, visual presentation style had a significant effect on trait judgments for Donald Trump overall. Participants watching Trump on the switched camera feed perceived him as significantly more Sophisticated, Honest, Attractive, Sincere, Strong, Active, Intelligent, Trustworthy, and Generous. There was not an effect for Hillary Clinton’s trait ratings overall, though she was perceived as significantly more Strong, Competent, and Intelligent by those watching the switched feed. This suggests that visual presentation style significantly influenced viewer perceptions. Political ideology was a significant predictor of all but one of the traits for each candidate.


Subject Prospects for US politics to end-2016. Significance With the functional conclusion of the presidential primaries, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will face Donald Trump in the November 8 general election. Most policy action and political posturing by both parties in the coming months will aim to rally their ideological base and sway undecided voters.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630511985514 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdulsamad Sahly ◽  
Chun Shao ◽  
K. Hazel Kwon

This study investigates cross-platform differences in social media by analyzing the contending candidates who represent different political ideology during the 2016 presidential election. Borrowing the frame-building and frame-effect perspectives, it examines the ways in which the two contending candidates (Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton) built their message frames in two different social platforms—Twitter ( N = 3,805) and Facebook ( N = 655)—and how the frame differences affected audience engagement in each platform. The results showed that Trump’s messages presented more variety in frame selection than Clinton’s, focusing on conflict and negative emotional frames on Twitter while displaying frequent positive emotional frames on Facebook. Clinton’s strategy relied heavily on conflict and positive emotional frames on both Twitter and Facebook. The results also suggested that for both Trump and Clinton followers on Twitter, conflict and morality frames consistently attracted retweeting behaviors and emotional frames attracted favoriting behaviors. However, Facebook engagement behaviors did not show a consistent pattern between the followers of the two candidates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (9) ◽  
pp. 966-985
Author(s):  
Craig Allen Smith

Nomination acceptance addresses perform two major functions: They reconstitute the factions splintered by the primaries into a unified party and they frame the general election campaign as a clash between two narrative visions of America. In 2016, Donald Trump co-opted Republicans into his empire, conflated imagining and remembering to envision an American dystopia caused mainly by Clinton, claimed that he alone could fix things using unspecified mechanisms, and promised to provide an immediate American utopia. Clinton envisioned a cooperative nation with fewer recent successes than problems, explained that only together could we improve our prospects for a better future by working hard to enact unspecified policies, and warned us against making a bad man our potentate. Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton performed the rhetorical functions of consolidating support and framing the campaign but, to date, no rhetor has found a way to reconcile them into a unifying American vision.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie J. Shook ◽  
Benjamin Oosterhoff

AbstractDisgust has been consistently associated with greater political conservatism. Two explanations have been proposed for this link. According to a pathogen threat model, disgust serves a pathogen-avoidance function, encouraging more conservative ideology, whereas a sexual strategies model suggests that this link is explained by variability in short-term versus long-term mating goals. In two preregistered studies using a college student and community sample (total N = 1,950), we examined whether experimentally manipulating pathogen threat and mate availability produced differences in political ideology and whether these differences were explained by disgust and sociosexual attitudes. Across both studies, we did not find evidence that manipulating pathogen threat or mate availability resulted in change in political ideology. In Study 1, manipulating mate availability was indirectly associated with greater political conservativism through stronger sociosexual attitudes that favor monogamy. These findings failed to replicate in Study 2. Implications for theory and future research are discussed.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

This chapter provides details regarding the gender dynamics of the presidential primaries and general election campaign in 2016, in order to show how these phases of the presidential contest set the stage for and affected the down-ballot races. It reviews the various ways in which gender became a central theme in the presidential election and in the public discourse surrounding the election, and considers Trump’s rhetoric in the context of hypermasculine politicians’ behavior in other countries. It also describes in detail how the Republican primary deteriorated into a peculiarly graphic masculinity contest, and how Trump’s tendency toward bigoted and misogynist comments provided fuel for the Clinton campaign and its supporters, and set the stage for Republican down-ballot candidates to respond to the “Trump factor” in their own campaigns.


Author(s):  
Stephen A Rains ◽  
Yotam Shmargad ◽  
Kevin Coe ◽  
Kate Kenski ◽  
Steven Bethard

Abstract Although experts agree that the Russian Internet Research Agency deployed trolls on Twitter to disrupt the 2016 U.S. presidential election, questions remain about the nuances of their efforts. We examined almost 350,000 original tweets made during the two-year electoral cycle to investigate the emphasis, timing, content, and partisanship of the trolls’ efforts targeting leading candidates. Despite only dedicating a fraction of their tweets to candidates, troll behavior generally tracked the relevance of Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, and Ted Cruz during the election cycle. Trolls were significantly more likely to engage in name-calling in tweets about Trump, Clinton, and Cruz than in tweets about other topics. Name-calling peaked in tweets addressing Clinton during the general election. Right trolls were more likely to focus their attention on Trump, Clinton, and Cruz than were other partisan trolls.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate A. Ratliff ◽  
Liz Redford ◽  
John Conway ◽  
Colin Tucker Smith

This research investigated the role of gender attitudes in the United States 2016 presidential election between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. The results of three studies (combined N = 2,816) showed that, as expected, Trump voters were higher in hostile and benevolent sexism than were Clinton voters. Even after controlling for political ideology and gender (Studies 1, 2, and 3) and minority group attitudes (Study 3), greater hostile sexism predicted more positive attitudes toward Trump, less positive attitudes toward Clinton, and retrospective reports of having voted for Trump over Clinton (Studies 2 and 3). Benevolent sexism did not predict additional variation in voting behavior beyond political ideology and hostile sexism. These results suggest that political behavior is based on more than political ideology; even among those with otherwise progressive views, overtly antagonistic views of women could be a liability to women—and an asset to men—running for office.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-187
Author(s):  
Alda Fitriani Suwandi ◽  
Muhammad Thoriqussuud

This journal article discusses how to reveal the ideology through two approaches, those are transtivity process by MAK Halliday and the theoretical framework in Critical Discourse Analysis by Fairclough. This journal article investigates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton ideology, then compares their ideology who is more prominent. Before revealing their ideology, the researcher compares the transtivity process of both candidates and finds that Donald Trump has 281 clauses consist of transtivity process, while Hillary Clinton has 203 clauses consist of transtivity process. The differences of the total numbers of transtivity process, it also reflects to the tendency of ideology. It has shown that Trump has 60% to the citizen involvement rather than Hillary has 52%. Then, in the aspect of national priority, Hillary has the highest tendency that is 16% rather than Trump has 6%. The third aspect is policy of law Hillary also has the highest tendency that is 11% than Trump only 7%. In the aspect of equality in democracy ideology, Trump gets 7% while Hillary gets 0%. In the last aspect, is national unity Trump gets 20% tendency than Hillary gets 19%. Finally, the researcher concludes that Donald Trump’s ideology is the most prominent than Hillary Clinton.  


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