scholarly journals Constructing the Citizen: The Primrose League and the Definition of Citizenship in the Age of Mass Democracy in Britain, 1918-1928

2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Hendley
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Social ◽  
Mass Democracy ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
First Time

Abstract The Primrose League was a patriotic mass organisation nominally independent from, but allied to the British Conservative Party. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it politically mobilised large numbers of British women. In addition, through its social activities, the League assisted with the social integration of those holding full political rights with those who did not. The Fourth Reform Act of 1918 fundamentally altered the structure of British politics by tripling the size of the electorate and giving the vote to a significant number of British women for the first time. In this new political environment, Conservatives were concerned with countering the rising Labour Party and limiting the expectations of new voters. After 1918, the Primrose League attempted to define or construct a partisan model of citizenship. The League's model emphasised citizens' duties, individuals' civil rights and the idea of active citizenship. This campaign both helped the Conservative Party to adjust to the new political order and gave the Primrose League a new role to play in the age of mass democracy.

scholarly journals Daouidi v Bootes Plus SL and the Concept of ‘Disability’ in EU Anti-Discrimination Law

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Delia Ferri
Keyword(s):  
Medical Model ◽  
Social Model ◽  
Social Model Of Disability ◽  
Attitudinal Barriers ◽  
Direct Discrimination ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Environmental ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
First Time

Daouidi v Bootes Plus SL is one the latest decisions in which the CJEU has been directly confronted with the concept of disability in the realm of EU anti-discrimination legislation. In particular, in this judgment, the Court attempted to identify when the dismissal of a worker due to temporary incapacity of an unknown duration may constitute direct discrimination on the grounds of disability. This decision appears to be significant in that, for the first time, the CJEU discusses the meaning of ‘long-term limitation’ for the purpose of Directive 2000/78. Although the Court treads carefully, it attempts to further elucidate and bring new elements to the definition of disability in EU anti-discrimination law. In spite of the fact that the Court is potentially widening the notion of disability, it appears, once again, quite reticent in its approach to the role of social, environmental and attitudinal barriers in disabling an individual, and remains somewhat ‘trapped’ in the medical model of disability. All in all, this analysis endeavors to highlight that the CJEU is struggling to move beyond a rhetorical recognition of the social model of disability and to apply this in practice.

Emptied Lands

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre Kedar ◽  
Ahmad Amara ◽  
Oren Yiftachel
Keyword(s):  
Political Rights ◽  
Protracted Conflict ◽  
Terra Nullius ◽  
Legal Geography ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
Legal Arguments ◽  
First Time ◽  
Legal Grounds ◽  
Indigenous Land

It is commonly claimed by Israeli authorities that Bedouins are trespassers who never acquired property or settlement rights in southern Israel/Palestine. This led to massive dispossession of Bedouins. This book sets to examine state claims by providing, for the first time, a thorough analysis of the legal geography of the Negev. It adopts critical scholarly perspectives, drawing on multidisciplinary sources from geography, law, history and the social sciences. The study defines the “Dead Negev Doctrine (DND)”—a set of legal arguments and practices founded on a manipulative use of Ottoman and British laws through which Israel constructed its own version of “'terra nullius”—the now repealed colonial doctrine denying indigenous land and political rights. The book systematically tests the doctrine, using systematic archival and geographic research, and focusing on key land cases, most notably the al-‘Uqbi claim in ‘Araqib. The analysis reveals that the DND is based on shaky, often distorted, historical and legal grounds, thereby wrongly denying land rights from the majority of the Negev Bedouins. The book then discusses the indigeneity of the Bedouins in the face of persistent state denial. It argues that international law and norms protecting indigenous peoples are highly applicable to the case of Negev Bedouins. The book then offers an overview of state and Bedouin proposals to resolve the dispute. It shows how alternative plans advanced by the Bedouins, based on the concepts of recognition and equality, provide the most promising path to resolve the protracted conflict.

scholarly journals Conception of freedom in ancient world

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (23) ◽  
pp. 77-83
Author(s):  
Viktoriia Nikiforova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Activity ◽  
Ancient World ◽  
Self Control ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Human Right ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
First Time

The aim of the study is to research the correspondence and difference of ancient Greek authors FREEDOM conception. The subject of the article is the investigation of freedom category interpretation by ancient Greek writers. The object of the study is the works of ancient Greek writers, poets, philosophers, concerned with major issues of freedom conception. The academic novelty of the investigation is as follows: the most significant definitions of FREEDOM by ancient Greek authors were researched and recapped. It was examined that humans’ freedom and their cognitive activity are the significant issues of the conception determination of freedom. The term FREEDOM is different for every person that is why we cannot insist categorically that one idea is right and the other is wrong. In this case the idea of freedom disappears. Some philosophers consider that initially no Greek word ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑ, no Latin LIBERTAS didn’t have philosophical meanings. Ancient Greeks believed that destiny, fate, necessity run humans. The idea of Freedom emerged in Ancient Greece. The ancient Greeks were first, who began to consider the issue of freedom both in the political and philosophic senses of the word. They tried to create the first state institutions defended human freedom. This concept had a lot of meanings in ancient times: the domination of intellect over emotions, conscience control, responsibility for actions, independency, and privilege for life, right to manipulate slaves. The idea of “being free” appeared much earlier than the conception of “freedom”. According to Homer to be free for person means to have an opportunity to live on your dear land. Particularly in Homer’s poems we are able to find the generation of the human right choice idea. Herodotus was the first scientist who formed the social meaning of the word FREEDOM. The definition of FREEDOM as philosophical term was used by sophists for the first time ever. According to Socrates FREEDOM is a self-control, physical instincts control. Plato in his turn considers that humans have a right of choice, but their freedom is not absolute. The analysis of the philosophical views and approaches concerning freedom conception in antiquity is conducted to prove that that freedom was the most significant value of ancient world. Ancient philosophers emphasized the polis freedom, internal and external freedom (stoics), freedom as self-control (Socrates), freedom as material independency (Plato), freedom as permissiveness (cynics), freedom as capacity for good. Ancient Greek and Modern Greek lexicographical sources show both analogies and differences of language objectification of FREEDOM conception. We consider appropriate to analyze these analogies and differences of various discourse’s types as the further prospective of this theme investigation.

scholarly journals Animals as objects of civil rights: current issues

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 294-308
Author(s):  
Valentina N. Sinelnikova ◽  
Oleg A. Khatuntsev
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Civil Code ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
The Social ◽  
Modeling And Forecasting ◽  
Definition Of

The relevance of the research is based on the heated discussion that has unfolded in recent years in connection with changes of the current legislation on legal regime of animals as objects of civil rights as well as awkward suggestions aimed at essentially reshaping the civilistic concept of animals and establishing their special legal status by recognizing them, albeit with some restrictions, as subjects of legal rights. The purpose is to analyze the genesis of animals legislation, including but not limited to international legislation, and to reveal the social significance of norms governing the conditions and procedure for acquisition of animals and the limits and principles of their treatment. The article also aims at voicing the authors position on participation in the civil circulation of animals. Research methods applied in the work are as follows: formal-legal, dialectical unity, system analysis, interpretation, modeling, and forecasting. The results of the study (conclusions) are realized in proposing to supplement Art. 128 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation with a new term property as basic in relation to terms things, other property, and property rights. It is also recommended to expand the range of objects of civil rights by identifying animals as an independent object, clarify the revision of Art. 137 of the Civil Code, presenting in it the definition of an animal as an object of civil rights and reflecting the main criterion for classifying animals (turnover). In addition, a judgment was made on changes in Russian legislation introduced in 2020, including the Law On the Animal World, allowing amateur and sports hunting of animals in semi-free conditions and artificially created habitat. This law clearly contradicts international agreements that allow hunting (capture) of animals only for the maintenance of human livelihood.

SUBVERSIÓN Y COERCIÓN: izquierdas y derechas en los inicios de la democracia chilena del siglo XX

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 172-194
Author(s):  
VERÓNICA VALDIVIA ORTIZ DE ZáRATE
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

Resumen: El artá­culo analiza el debate entre las nacientes izquierdas y derechas chilenas respecto de los dispositivos coercitivos estatales, en el marco de la crisis de dominación oligárquica y la redefinición del Estado. Siguiendo las interpretaciones que cuestionan la tesis democratizadora del paá­s, a partir de la Constitución de 1925, este trabajo evalúa la posición de las orgánicas de trabajadores, ligados al marxismo y al anarquismo, como de liberales y conservadores, respecto de los cambios que sufrió el aparato estatal en materia de derechos ciudadanos y de coerción. Nuestra hipótesis es que el reconocimiento de derechos sociales, económicos y polá­ticos a clases medias y obreros, que abrió paso a la democratización, estuvo sostenido en la redefinición de los dispositivos coercitivos del Estado, influyendo en la definición de izquierdas y derechas.  Palabras clave:  Izquierdas. Derechas. Represión.SUBVERSION AND COERCION:  The Left and the Right in the Dawn of Chile”™s 20th-Century DemocracyAbstract: This paper examines the debate between the emerging right- and left-wing parties in Chile in regard to the State”™s repressive devices, within the context of the crisis of oligarchic domination and its subsequent redefinition of the State. Sharing those interpretations that contest the supposed democratization of the country as a result of the 1925 Constitution, the article assesses the stance adopted by the working-class organizations linked to Marxist and anarchist positions, as well as by liberals and conservatives, in relation to the changes undergone by the State apparatus in the fields of civil rights and coercion. Our hypothesis is that the recognition of social, economic and political rights for the middle and working classes, which paved the way towards a more effective democracy, stood upon the redefinition of the State”™s coercive devices, influencing the definition of Right and Left.Keywords: Left Wing. Right Wing. Repression.  SUBVERSAO E COERCAO:  esquerdas e direitas nos iná­cios da democracia chilena do século XXResumo: O artigo analisa o debate entre as nascentes esquerdas e direitas chilenas nas suas relações com os dispositivos repressivos estatais inseridos no contexto da crise de dominação oligárquica e da renovação do Estado. Compartilhando as interpretações que questionam a tese da suposta democratização do paá­s após a Constituição de 1925, este trabalho avalia a perspectiva das organizações operárias vinculadas ao marxismo e ao anarquismo, bem como as posições dos liberais e conservadores a respeito das mudanças que sofreu o aparelho estatal em matéria de direitos cidadãos e coerção. Partimos da hipótese de que o reconhecimento dos direitos sociais, econômicos e polá­ticos das classes médias e operárias que possibilitou a democratização, sustentou-se na redefinição dos dispositivos coercitivos do Estado e influenciou na definição das organizações como de esquerda ou de direita.Palavras-chave:  Esquerdas. Direitas. Repressão.

The Concept of Social Policy (Sozialpolitik)

1979 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner J. Cahnman ◽  
Carl M. Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Social Action ◽  
English Language ◽  
Theoretical Foundation ◽  
German Literature ◽  
The Social ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
Language Literature

ABSTRACTThe concept of Sozialpolitik (social policy) has rarely been considered in the English-language literature thus far. The present article surveys the pertinent English, American and German literature which led to the initiation of the Verein für Sozialpolitik (Social Policy Association) in 1873. All these efforts culminated in Otto von Zwiedineck's classic book, Sozialpolitik (1911). A chapter of this book, now printed in Zwiedineck's collected essays, Mensch und Wirtschaft, is offered in English translation for the first time. The article presents and clarifies the concept of Sozialpolitik in terms of social action directed toward problems affecting society as a whole and the continued attainment of society's goals. However, the definition of these goals remains subject to change. A theoretical foundation for the integration of scientific and normative perspectives in the social sciences is thereby provided.

scholarly journals The Future of Social Work Practice in Addictions

10.18060/91 ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 202-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana M. DiNitto
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
Work Practice ◽  
Social Work Practice ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Treatment Services ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Brain

Few social workers specialize in addictions practice. That number may grow in the years ahead due to demographic changes in the population, an expanding definition of addiction, and other factors. Social workers in all areas of practice see clients with addictions and their family members, but there is a large gap in the numbers who need treatment and receive it. The social work workforce of the future must be better equipped to develop and identify prevention and treatment services that are both appealing to clients and effective. These services may need to be offered in other setting where clients are seen. There is also much work to be done in the years ahead in the political environment to make treatment available and to see that individuals with addictions are treated fairly. Substantial research is being conducted on genetics and the brain chemistry of addiction. Psychosocial factors are also believed to play a substantial role in the development of addictions, thus ensuring social workers place in the addictions field in the years ahead.

Institutional Legal Reform in Kuwait after 2011

Hawwa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 357-395
Author(s):  
Rania Maktabi
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Religious Pluralism ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Family Courts ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time

Abstract In 2015, Law 12 legislated for the establishment of family courts for the first time in the modern history of Kuwait. The reflections and experiences of stakeholders—judges, lawyers, and administrators—surrounding this law are here contextualized from three perspectives: (1) as an institutional means of strengthening Kuwaiti women’s civil rights in marriage and divorce after women were given political rights in 2005; (2) as part of wide-ranging juridical reforms, including the passing of the Law on the Child in 2015, the expansion of the Kuwait Institute for Judicial and Legal Studies’ powers, and the certification of graduates from the Faculty of Sharīʿa as legal advisors in the state apparatus after 2012; and (3) as an avenue for managing religious pluralism in a state where one-third of the citizenry are Shiʿa Muslim. The sum of these different reforms in the legal sphere are acts of governance that reflect establishing rule-of-law guidelines as a means of centralizing political authority and, by extension, the ruling Āl Ṣubāḥ regime’s grip on power following the 2011 Arab uprisings.

The idea of social human rights as interpreted by representatives of the school of revived natural law in Russia at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries

2020 ◽  
pp. 417-425
Author(s):  
Angelina Lapayeva
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Social Equality ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Constitutional State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

We analyze the representatives’ views of the school of revived natural law on the social human rights problem. We note that a key milestone in the state and legal transformations of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century was the consolidation of civil rights and freedoms for Russian citi-zens. We establish that representatives of the school of revived natural law developed a theory of individual rights and freedoms in the context of the re-lationship between the constitutional state with the ethics and morality prob-lems. We doctrinally justify that social rights, along with political rights, oc-cupied an important place in the catalog of human rights classification developed by scientists, due to the fact that they were associated with values such as social justice and social equality. We offer arguments indicating that representatives of the school of revived natural law considered the right to a dignified human existence as the source of social rights emergence, which were a prerequisite for the individual’s social emancipation and an attempt to transform the estate society into a civil one.

THE KENYAN ASIANS, BRITISH POLITICS, AND THE COMMONWEALTH IMMIGRANTS ACT, 1968

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
RANDALL HANSEN
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
British Politics ◽  
British Government ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right ◽  
Social Conservatism

The article examines the 1966–70 Labour government's decision to withdraw the right of entry from Asians with British passports who were driven out of Kenya by its ‘Africanization’ policies. It examines the decision within the context of three issues: first, the existence and status of a pledge, allegedly made by Macmillan's last Conservative government, that the Asians' right to enter the UK would be respected; second, a decline in both major parties' commitment to the Commonwealth; and, third, competing ideological strains within the Labour party. The article concentrates on the first of these issues, focusing on an as-yet-unresolved debate between Duncan Sandys and Iain Macleod, both Conservative Colonial Secretaries. Macleod argued that a solemn pledge had been given to the Asians, while Sandys and the Conservative party adamantly denied the claim. In the light of new archival evidence, the article argues that the Asians' exemption from immigration controls, which had been applied to the whole of the Commonwealth, did not result from an explicit commitment by the British government; it was rather the unintended result of the mechanism chosen to restrict Commonwealth immigration in 1962. It was a consequence, however, that was recognized by civil servants at the time of the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1962, and accepted by key figures in the British cabinet, including Duncan Sandys himself. The position taken by Sandys and the majority of the Conservative party in 1968 was, behind the safety of the Official Secrets Act, a betrayal of commitments made and pledges given only a few years earlier. The article concludes by suggesting that the Kenyan Asians' crisis represented both a shift, in the two parties, away from previous commitments to the Commonwealth and, in the Labour party, the triumph of James Callaghan's strand of Labour ideology – nationalist, anti-intellectual, indifferent to arguments about international law and obligation, and firmly in touch with the social conservatism of middle- and working-class England.

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