Emptied Lands

Author(s):  
Alexandre Kedar ◽  
Ahmad Amara ◽  
Oren Yiftachel

It is commonly claimed by Israeli authorities that Bedouins are trespassers who never acquired property or settlement rights in southern Israel/Palestine. This led to massive dispossession of Bedouins. This book sets to examine state claims by providing, for the first time, a thorough analysis of the legal geography of the Negev. It adopts critical scholarly perspectives, drawing on multidisciplinary sources from geography, law, history and the social sciences. The study defines the “Dead Negev Doctrine (DND)”—a set of legal arguments and practices founded on a manipulative use of Ottoman and British laws through which Israel constructed its own version of “'terra nullius”—the now repealed colonial doctrine denying indigenous land and political rights. The book systematically tests the doctrine, using systematic archival and geographic research, and focusing on key land cases, most notably the al-‘Uqbi claim in ‘Araqib. The analysis reveals that the DND is based on shaky, often distorted, historical and legal grounds, thereby wrongly denying land rights from the majority of the Negev Bedouins. The book then discusses the indigeneity of the Bedouins in the face of persistent state denial. It argues that international law and norms protecting indigenous peoples are highly applicable to the case of Negev Bedouins. The book then offers an overview of state and Bedouin proposals to resolve the dispute. It shows how alternative plans advanced by the Bedouins, based on the concepts of recognition and equality, provide the most promising path to resolve the protracted conflict.

2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Hendley

Abstract The Primrose League was a patriotic mass organisation nominally independent from, but allied to the British Conservative Party. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it politically mobilised large numbers of British women. In addition, through its social activities, the League assisted with the social integration of those holding full political rights with those who did not. The Fourth Reform Act of 1918 fundamentally altered the structure of British politics by tripling the size of the electorate and giving the vote to a significant number of British women for the first time. In this new political environment, Conservatives were concerned with countering the rising Labour Party and limiting the expectations of new voters. After 1918, the Primrose League attempted to define or construct a partisan model of citizenship. The League's model emphasised citizens' duties, individuals' civil rights and the idea of active citizenship. This campaign both helped the Conservative Party to adjust to the new political order and gave the Primrose League a new role to play in the age of mass democracy.


1986 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
Herman Lebovics

By introducing an economic cycle of a new sort in Europe the Great Depression of 1873–96 encouraged the alignment of iron and textile industrialists’ interests with those of the great growers and livestock raisers. The French version, perhaps best labelled the alliance of cotton and wheat, is the concern here, for since profits and sales for both agriculture and industry traced parallel curves, for the first time in French history, representatives of these interests could unite and press the new republican leadership for common relief against depression and intensifying foreign competition. They were also impelled to unite in the face of the growing militancy of the new working class emerging in the provinces. Their spokesmen of the Association de l'Industrie Française and the associated Société des Agriculteurs addressed themselves to the new incarnation of the social question by offering protective tariffs – and protected jobs and pay checks – to workers striking more frequently and organizing more solidly than ever before. Their slogan was “the protection of national labor”. Having no reforms to offer, the Opportunist republicans and their ex-monarchist allies offered the emergent industrial working class safe incomes and economic nationalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 118-136
Author(s):  
Tom Teti ◽  

How much of your life is trapped in social norms? What would you say if you were free to say what you really thought? How would you live your life differently? In this work of philosophical short fiction, Simon in a married, middle aged, college professor. Inch by inch, day by day, over his life he has given up his freedom to social norms. He stays quiet in his true thoughts in the face of his wife, and his co-workers. One day, something changes, and he decides to “change his verbs.” He tells his wife what he thinks. He tells his students what he thinks. He says no to attending pointless meetings. In short, he releases himself from the social cages that he has created for himself, and he is happy. He comes home to his wife and, seemingly for the first time in years, is free to tell her honestly that he loves her.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 145-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leila Celis

During the mid-1980s, Colombia joined the neoliberal global economy in two ways: (1) by implementing a “low-intensity democracy” made up of reforms intended to institutionalize the social protests as a response to the crisis of governance and to promote investor security and (2) by exchanging a protectionist industrialization economic model for an extractivist neoliberal one. The new progressive legislation created inclusive institutions and recognized multiculturalism and social and political rights, but these very rights are denied by the neoliberal economy, which favors big transnational capital and the physical and legal coercion that this model requires. These two pivotal elements of neoliberalism (governance and the economy) are pragmatically incompatible. The dominant class has favored the interests of powerful transnational elites and employed both legal and military avenues. Consequently, 30 years later, the social movements have been only partially and temporarily institutionalized. Active rejection of the economic model is growing. Social organizations have appropriated the concept of human rights and adapted it to their social project, the construction of a peasant economy that opposes the neoliberal one. A mediados de los ochenta, Colombia se unió a la economía neoliberal de dos maneras importantes: (1) implementando una “democracia de baja intensidad” compuesta por reformas que pretendían institucionalizar las protestas sociales como una respuesta a la crisis de gobernabilidad y promover la seguridad de las inversiones, y (2) intercambiando un modelo económico de proteccionismo industrial por uno neoliberal y extractivista. La nueva legislación progresista creó instituciones inclusivas y reconoció el multiculturalismo y los derechos políticos y sociales, pero estos mismos derechos son denegados por la economía neoliberal, que favorece al gran capital transnacional y ejerce la coerción legal y física que requiere dicho modelo. Estos dos elementos esenciales del neoliberalismo (la gobernabilidad y la economía) son incompatibles a nivel pragmático. La clase dominante ha favorecido los intereses de poderosas elites internacionales y empleado vías tanto legales como militares. Como consecuencia, 30 años después, los movimientos sociales sólo han sido parcial y temporalmente institucionalizados. Las organizaciones sociales se han apropiado el concepto de los derechos humanos y lo han adaptado a su proyecto social: la construcción de una economía campesina opuesta a la neoliberal.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-366
Author(s):  
Robert Brown

AbstractThe Du Bois Review is pleased to publish, for the first time, this significant reflection on “the meaning of Booker T. Washington to America,” and in so doing highlight Du Bois's desire to see courage, rather than sacrifice, prevail in the face of injustice. This previously unpublished essay is among the W. E. B. Du Bois Papers housed in the Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. It was brought to our attention by Robert Brown, who provides an introductory essay including an analysis of the likely date the essay was penned. We present it to our readers with the permission of The David Graham Du Bois Trust.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
Celal Hayir ◽  
Ayman Kole

When the Turkish army seized power on May 27th, 1960, a new democratic constitution was carried into effect. The positive atmosphere created by the 1961 constitution quickly showed its effects on political balances in the parliament and it became difficult for one single party to come into power, which strengthened the multi-party-system. The freedom initiative created by 1961’s constitution had a direct effect on the rise of public opposition. Filmmakers, who generally steered clear from the discussion of social problems and conflicts until 1960, started to produce movies questioning conflicts in political, social and cultural life for the first time and discussions about the “Social Realism” movement in the ensuing films arose in cinematic circles in Turkey. At the same time, the “regional managers” emerged, and movies in line with demands of this system started to be produced. The Hope (Umut), produced by Yılmaz Güney in 1970, rang in a new era in Turkish cinema, because it differed from other movies previously made in its cinematic language, expression, and use of actors and settings. The aim of this study is to mention the reality discussions in Turkish cinema and outline the political facts which initiated this expression leading up to the film Umut (The Hope, directed by Yılmaz Güney), which has been accepted as the most distinctive social realist movie in Turkey. 


Author(s):  
William F. McCants

From the dawn of writing in Sumer to the sunset of the Islamic empire, this book traces four thousand years of speculation on the origins of civilization. Investigating a vast range of primary sources, some of which are translated here for the first time, and focusing on the dynamic influence of the Greek, Roman, and Arab conquests of the Near East, the book looks at the ways the conquerors and those they conquered reshaped their myths of civilization's origins in response to the social and political consequences of empire. The Greek and Roman conquests brought with them a learned culture that competed with that of native elites. The conquering Arabs, in contrast, had no learned culture, which led to three hundred years of Muslim competition over the cultural orientation of Islam, a contest reflected in the culture myths of that time. What we know today as Islamic culture is the product of this contest, whose protagonists drew heavily on the lore of non-Arab and pagan antiquity. The book argues that authors in all three periods did not write about civilization's origins solely out of pure antiquarian interest—they also sought to address the social and political tensions of the day. The strategies they employed and the postcolonial dilemmas they confronted provide invaluable context for understanding how authors today use myth and history to locate themselves in the confusing aftermath of empire.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1060-1068
Author(s):  
Galina A. Dvoenosova ◽  

The article assesses synergetic theory of document as a new development in document science. In information society the social role of document grows, as information involves all members of society in the process of documentation. The transformation of document under the influence of modern information technologies increases its interest to representatives of different sciences. Interdisciplinary nature of document as an object of research leads to an ambiguous interpretation of its nature and social role. The article expresses and contends the author's views on this issue. In her opinion, social role of document is incidental to its being a main social tool regulating the life of civilized society. Thus, the study aims to create a scientific theory of document, explaining its nature and social role as a tool of social (goal-oriented) action and social self-organization. Substantiation of this idea is based on application of synergetics (i.e., universal theory of self-organization) to scientific study of document. In the synergetic paradigm, social and historical development is seen as the change of phases of chaos and order, and document is considered a main tool that regulates social relations. Unlike other theories of document, synergetic theory studies document not as a carrier and means of information transfer, but as a unique social phenomenon and universal social tool. For the first time, the study of document steps out of traditional frameworks of office, archive, and library. The document is placed on the scales with society as a global social system with its functional subsystems of politics, economy, culture, and personality. For the first time, the methods of social sciences and modern sociological theories are applied to scientific study of document. This methodology provided a basis for theoretical vindication of nature and social role of document as a tool of social (goal-oriented) action and social self-organization. The study frames a synergetic theory of document with methodological foundations and basic concepts, synergetic model of document, laws of development and effectiveness of document in the social continuum. At the present stage of development of science, it can be considered the highest form of theoretical knowledge of document and its scientific explanatory theory.


2020 ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Natalia Guseva ◽  
Vitaliy Berdutin

At present, the problem of establishing disability is a point at issue in Russia. Despite the fact that medical criteria for disability are being developed very actively, high-quality methods for assessing social hallmarks are still lacking. Since disability is a phenomenon inherent in any society, each state forms a social and economic policy for people with disabilities in accordance with its level of development, priorities and opportunities. We have proposed a three-stage model, which includes a system for the consistent solution of the main tasks aimed at studying the causes and consequences of the problems encountered today in the social protection of citizens with health problems. The article shows why the existing approaches to the determination of disability and rehabilitation programs do not correspond to the current state of Russian society and why a decrease in the rate of persons recognized as disabled for the first time does not indicate an improvement in the health of the population. The authors proposed a number of measures with a view to correcting the situation according to the results of the study.


2017 ◽  
Vol 68 (10) ◽  
pp. 2378-2381
Author(s):  
Cristian Budacu ◽  
Mihai Constantin ◽  
Iulia Chiscop ◽  
Carmen Gabriela Stelea ◽  
Raluca Dragomir

Post-operative alveolitis is a topical issue in dental practice, which is also reflected by the etiopathogenic aspects. The conservative principle requires the maintenance of dento-periodontal units in the arch for as long as possible, but there are situations where dental extraction is required. The healing process of the post-surgical wound is complex and involves processes of gingival mucosal regeneration and bone reshaping, involving several local factors: wound size, presence of infection, alveolar vascularization, intraalveolar foreign bodies, and general factors, especially general condition, age and body reactivity. The quality, structure, maintenance, and retraction of the clot are key factors in the formation of connective tissue during the healing of the post-extraction would. At the Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery Clinic of Gala�i, during a 2-year period between January 2015 and December 30, 2016, 2780 patients that required surgery - dental extraction were consulted and diagnosed. We found that among those 2780 patients with dental extractions 105 (3.77%) had post-treatment alveolitis. No post-surgical alveolitis from the case study was complicated by osteomyelitis of the jaws or by suppurations of the superficial or deep compartments of the face. The prophylactic measures in each dental extraction, together with the correct and timely curative treatment, combined with the dentist�s competence and responsibility, can shorten the time of suffering, actively combating the risk factor and accelerating the social reintegration of the patient with post-treatment alveolitis.


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