scholarly journals L’autre Allemagne dans l'Allemagne unifiée. Réflexions sur l'unification allemande (Note)

2005 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-510
Author(s):  
Jean-Yves Paraïso

The serious economic problems that the unified Germany has to face — as must other industrialized countries - cannot by themselves account for the growing disenchantment that is perceptible in the New Länder, where the utopian dreams of the fall of 1989 have been steadily unravelling. Why is it that the people of the GDR, who had pushed aside the lethargy of politicians in order to impose a speedy unification of the two German states, now seem to be adopting a radical attitude of defiance towards the federal government ? The author postulates that, in implementing the unification process, people overestimated the capability of the West German federal model to integrate the territories of the GDR and underestimated the permanence of the political consciousness specific to East German citizens, the weight of their historical experience, and their profound yearning to assume their destiny within a unified Germany. Had an autonomous East German chamber been created, with a time-limited mandate, it might have been possible to give meaning to the collective quest for identity now being expressed in the New Länder, a quest which for the time being, and in the absence of any alternative, finds an outlet in a party incarnating the region's specificity - the PDS.

Author(s):  
Jens Richard Giersdorf

Nearly a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany was subsumed into the West German national structure. As a result, the distinct political systems, institutions, and cultures that characterized East Germany have nearly completely vanished. In some instances, this history was actively—and physically—eradicated by the unified Germany. This chapter works against the disappearance of East German culture by reconstructing the physicality of the walk across the border on the day of the opening of the Berlin Wall and two choreographic works depicting East German identities on stage. The initial re-creation of the choreography of a pedestrian movement provides a social, political, and methodological context that relates the two dance productions to the social movement of East German citizens. Both works take stances on the political situation in East Germany during and after the opening of the Berlin Wall in 1989, although one is by a West German artist, Sasha Waltz, and the other by East German choreographer Jo Fabian.


1984 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark J. Osiel

A new and curious species of public figure emerged on the international scene after the Second World War, gaining in prominence and conspicuousness in the years that followed. His daily experience is often a trying one, marked by recurrent tension between conflicting commitments. Enjoying from bhth the comforts of the advanced industrial world, he seeks to speak onbehalf of the hungry and impoverished. Educated in the best universities, he lives among countrymen who are predominantly illiterate. He is regarded as an impertinent upstart by the diplomats of wealthier and more powerful nations. At the same time, he is suspected by his own people of compromising himself with the reigning powers of the international arena. He is well-versed and highly articulate in the political vocabulary of the West. Yet he is acutely sensitive to perceived slights against the political traditions of his native land. He is bitter about what the Western presence did to his native society. But the very categories in which he couches his criticisms of that presence—the rights to sovereignty, distributive justice, and national self-determination —are themselves the inheritance of the West. He follows with enthusiasm the latest currents of intellectual life in Europe and America. Yet he is deeply committed, simultaneously, to defending the dignity of his own people's cultural achievements. As a result of his modern education, he cannot help but feel somewhat estranged from the traditional beliefs and practices of his fellow citizens. Yet neither can he feel very comfortable as the mere bearer to them of the colonizer's culture, a culture he rarely regards entirely as his own. Such is the predicament of that loquacious and troublesome child of the post-colonial age, the Third World intellectual.


Author(s):  
Olena Minkovich-Slobodianik

In this article we have tried to analyze the negative factors that affect the development of legal and political cultures and are common to them. Any negative factors that exist in civil society are also reflected in the legal and political cultures. One of these factors, in our view, is corruption. In general, corruption is in he rent in any state and any society because it is connected with the human nature, greed and in ability to deny it self and stop in time, therefore, in our view, corruption as well as crime in general can not be over come – they can be substantially reduced. Level but not eradicate. Ukraine today declares its political and legal path to wards Europe, its values ​​and humanistic ideas. The persistent corruption crisis, which has been going on for quite sometime in our country, requires deep social reforms that must first and fore most affect people's consciousness and their social standard of living. It is no better in the political sphere, because today we do not even have a legal definition of the concept of "political corruption"; Today's society is characterized by some ambivalence, we have the same problem in the political sphere as in the legal sphere, namely, on the one hand citizens "cry" about the need to fight corruption, on the other – by all means "help" its prosperity by finding all the time for it self justification, fearing "reprisals", simply be having marginally. Thus, we lose one of the main elements of political consciousness - motivation. Another serious negative factor affecting the development of legal and political cultures is nihilism. Since nihilism is itself a rejection of values, in our case legal, it is quite understandable that languages, not only about the high, but at least satisfactory, state of legal culture cannot be. The spread of legal nihilism in our society has become possible not only because of an unsatisfactory level of lawmaking and enforcement, but also through appropriate political decisions that precede it. In this context, we can say that legal nihilism is characteristic not only of ordinary citizens, but in most of our politicians, top officials who constantly broadcast to the general public their disrespect for the Law. As a result, in the political sphere, this leads to a total distrust of the people in the political establishment of Ukraine, marginal behavior, the pursuit of screen leaders, and as a result of deformation of political consciousness and a decrease in the level of political culture as a whole. As a result of this study, it becomes clear that legal and political culture have common factors that depend on both the speed of their development and the qualitative component.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-70
Author(s):  
Khamami Zada

The application of Islamic rules in Aceh and Kelantan is also related to the political power. There is a significant difference about political treatment on the application of Islamic law in Aceh and Kelantan. In Aceh, the central government (Indonesia) thinks that it is needed to apply jinâyah law in Aceh as a strategy to solve conflicts. This political rule has been applied in the republic of Indonesia since the leadership of Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Soekarno Putri to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The main factor that influences the Indonesian political government rule is the central conflict with the Acehnese in the leadership of Soeharto presidential to the Helsinski Agreement 2005. Some vertical conflicts happened between the central government and the Acehnese were solved by giving special autonomy in applying the Islamic rules. Not only family law and economic law which are given autonomy to be applied in Aceh, but also the autonomy to apply jinâyah Law. In Kelantan, Federal government (Malaysia) did not have political wish to apply Jinayah Law in Kelantan since the leadership of Mahathir Muhammad, Abdullah Badawi to Najib Razak. Moreover the federal government made the issue of the application of jinâyah law as the political commodity to get the political sympathy from the people, who are the partner of non Moslem voters in the national ranks and some Moslem voters who are not affiliated with PAS. This political needs factor is kept by the Federal Government to respond the Kelantan’s government wish to apply Islamic rules.Copyright (c) 2015 by Al-Ihkam. All right reserved DOI : 10.19105/al-ihkam.v10i1.588 


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 95-109
Author(s):  
Ewa Matkowska

Propaganda campaigns and strategies accompanying the construction of the Berlin Wall The article deals with propaganda campaigns connected with the construction of the Berlin Wall. Propaganda activities assisted the police operations which were aimed at the separation of the east sector from the west sectors of Berlin. These activities took place before, during and after the operation 13, August 1961. In the first part of the paper I describe the prior campaign on the basis of daily newspaper „Neues Deutschland”, the main press organ of the political party SED. The two dominating topics are related: „the human trafficking” and the people regularly crossing the sector border. Refugees became the main topic of the campaign due to the constant mass outflow of people from 100 to even 300 thousand people fled through West Berlin annually. The fake story, common in the soviet Stalin era, tells about western agents recruiting and trading citizens of the GDR to the West. They were denominated by the propaganda as „head hunters” or „human traffickers”. The people regularly crossing the sector border became the inner enemy. They lived in the eastern sector and worked in the western sectors which resulted in higher revenue. By manipulating the aroused feeling of jealousy the propagandists turn the group into a scapegoat. They accuse them of lack of merchandise and of offences. To put an end to these activities the border had to be closed. The closer to the day of the operation, the more aggressive and hysteric becomes the campaign. The culminant events are the „show trials” at the end of July 1961 during which the assumed „human traffickers” are sentenced to prison. The second part of the article deals with post campaigns which aimed at integration of the citizens within the borders of the DDR.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Spencer W. McBride

This chapter describes the formation of the Council of Fifty, a secretive organization in Nauvoo created by Smith. Smith and the Council of Fifty consider solutions to the problems facing the Latter-day Saints. The council manages Smith’s presidential campaign and helps formulate plans to petition the federal government for redress or for a liberal tract of land in the west where the Mormons could resettle. The council also directs negotiations with the Republic of Texas for the Mormons to move there and occupy the contested Nueces Strip. It is also in the Council of Fifty that Smith and others discuss the eventual replacement of the United States government with a theodemocracy ahead of the Second Coming of Jesus Christ.


1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 440-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Inglehart ◽  
Renata Siemienska

THE POLITICAL CRISIS WHICH ERUPTED IN POLAND IN 1980 WAS widely attributed to the economic problems which beset the country then and subsequently. Economic conditions undoubtedly contributed to the crisis — but survey evidence suggests that gradual cultural changes were a less obvious but at least equally important factor. Historically, the Polish people have characteristically placed relatively great emphasis on self-determination and political freedoms. This traditional heritage has not grown weaker in recent years. Quite the contrary, it seems to have been reinforced by a gradual shift toward postmaterialist values among the Polish public.An intergenerational shift from materialist toward postmaterialist priorities, already shown to be taking place in more than a score of Western countries, also seems to be occurring in Poland.


1997 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 63-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurus Reinkowski

In this paper I will discuss the options of political identity the Lebanese have at their disposal against the background of the German experience. Germany and Lebanon, states at first glance completely different from each other, show some similarity in their historical experience. In the context of this comparison I will discuss constitutional patriotism, a political concept in circulation in Germany over the last fifteen years or so, and its potential application in the Lebanese case. Constitutional patriotism, unlike many other concepts originating in the West, has yet not entered the political vocabulary of the Middle East. The debate on democracy and the civil society is widespread in the whole of the Middle East, including Lebanon. Lebanon's political culture, polity and national identity, however, show some peculiar traits that might justify the introduction of the term constitutional patriotism into the Lebanese political debate.


1936 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 595-604
Author(s):  
Joseph de Somogyi

Scarcely ever has Islām experienced more tragical times and more hardships than during the Mongol invasion in the course of the thirteenth century a.d. With the despite of the nomads, practitioners of the open-air life, for sedentary occupations, the people of Jengis Khān turned against and mercilessly destroyed the towns and works of civilization everywhere. Their disastrous campaign was only facilitated by the decomposition of the political unity of Islām at that time. In Baghdād the 'Abbāsid caliphate still subsisted, but its splendour was on the wane; to the west of Baghdād, in Egypt, Palestine, and a part of Syria, the Ayyūbids reigned, and in Asia Minor the Seljūqs, while to the east of Baghdād the Turkish princes from Khiva had, a rather insecure hold on the vast stretch of the Khwārizmian empire from the Ganges to the Tigris and from Turkestān to the Indian Ocean. This state of affairs was inviting to an enterprising invader of the sort of Jengis Khān who, in 1218, crushed the Khwārizmian empire, while his grandson, Hūlāghū Khān, put an end to the 'Abbāsid caliphate in 1258. The western provinces of Islām, including Egypt, were, however, spared from the devastating fury of the Mongols by the Mamlūk Sulṭān's victory over Ketbogha, Hūlāghū's general, at 'Ayn Jālūt, Palestine, in 1260. When in 1299–1301 his grandson Qāzān failed in conquering Syria Islām was definitely safe from further Mongol attacks.


J. M. Synge ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 136-168
Author(s):  
Seán Hewitt

While travelling in the ‘Congested Districts’ of Mayo and Connemara with Jack Yeats in early summer 1905, on commission for The Manchester Guardian, Synge wrote a short vignette which he later added to the fourth part of his as-yet-unpublished prose narrative, The Aran Islands. The vignette in question takes the form of an inserted ‘set piece’ in which a crow is found trying to smash a golf ball. Here, the manuscript reveals the effects of the Guardian commission in confirming Synge’s oppositions to modernization in the west of Ireland and in prompting an increasing irony towards his earlier Romanticism. Taking this ‘set piece’ as its starting point, this chapter mobilizes Synge’s reading in socialism, and his correspondence and drafts for the Guardian commission, to demonstrate the writer’s socialist proclivities and to chart their nuances. Drawing on the earlier chapters of the book, this chapter shows that Synge’s socialism is rooted in nature and mystical experience, and in thought patterns borrowed from Spencerian evolutionism: he opposes modernization when it takes on a homogenizing form which he perceives as anti-nature. By showing that for Synge the aesthetic is politicized, and the political aestheticized, this chapter also registers a recalibrated Synge, evolving a more modernist response to his own notoriety. It concludes by positing the revision of his subsequent article, ‘The People of the Glens’, as a measure of an increasingly ironic sensibility, leading into the elaborate ironical, political structures of his final completed play, The Playboy of the Western World.


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