The European extension

Author(s):  
Eric Richards

Across much of Europe in the late nineteenth century there was a fundamental problem, notably in those zones where industrialisation had had little impact and where the agricultural sector confronted declining returns to labour. Population growth was evidently occurring in a transforming context of agrarian and industrial change, which carried the ultimate causes of mass migration. The absorbent capacity of European cities and towns was the critical factor in the long run. The scale of intra-European migration was extraordinary: Europe’s industrial cities attracted foreigners in vast numbers. The Canadian historian Norman Macdonald declared that the great diasporic European phenomenon was a migration with ‘many roots, chiefly the adverse conditions in the Old World and the appeal of the New’. By the late nineteenth century, emigrants were streaming out of most parts of Europe.

Modern Italy ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark I. Choate

SummaryFor Italy, unprecedented mass migration in the late nineteenth century overshadowed the European Scramble for Africa. To secure Italy's place in the new imperial order, Francesco Crispi proposed to harness emigration for colonial expansion, by settling Italy's East African colonies with the surplus Italian population. Defeat at Adwa in 1896 shattered Crispi's project, and turned attention to colonial possibilities elsewhere. Luigi Einaudi and other Liberals trumpeted the value of Italian collectivities or colonie across the Atlantic, where Italy exerted only indirect influence. In theory, these ‘spontaneous colonies’ would boost the Italian economy at little expense. Italian colonialist societies turned from Africa to the Americas, working to make Italian migration more prestigious, successful and profitable. After 1908, however, Enrico Corradini and the Italian Nationalists mocked these initiatives, and called upon the Italian state to return to traditional imperialism in Africa.


1980 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-174
Author(s):  
Julian C. Skaggs ◽  
Richard L. Ehrlich

As production workers in late-nineteenth-century American heavy industry moved towards regular use of concerted action, including the strike, to gain their demands, employers generally adopted rigid policies of opposition. That it was a frightening period for manufacturers, with prices for their goods steadily falling and widespread business failure, has been emphasized by Edward C. Kirkland and others. But lack of scholarship in business archives has improverished labor-management history on this point. Professors Skaggs and Ehrlich offer one case history, based on a study of the “inner truth” of such a conflict in the 1880s. It confirms the suspicion that it was not practical economic imperatives but a long-run policy to maintain the principles of paternalism that often accounted for the intransigence of management.


Author(s):  
James Simpson

This chapter follows the long history of commercial relations between many British ports and Bordeaux. It begins by examining the long-run changes in wine production and trade during the nineteenth century and the organization of wine production in the region. After a period of prosperity that lasted from the mid-1850s to the early 1880s, there followed three decades of depression. Moreover, information problems for consumers of fine wines were reduced by the 1855 classification, but the growth in market power and economic independence of the leading estates was checked in the late nineteenth century. Finally, small growers successfully used their political voice to achieve legislation to establish a regional appellation, which limited to wines of the Gironde the right to carry the Bordeaux brand.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107-132
Author(s):  
Johannes Nagel ◽  
Tobias Werron

This chapter explores mid-to-late nineteenth-century U.S. nationalism in its global context. We focus on what we call scarcity nationalism: A type of nationalism which introduces notions of scarcity to imagine competition between nations. We use this concept to analyze two discourses, on protectionism and navalism, showing how in both cases measures to protect U.S. interests in inter-national competition - through tariffs or battleships - were introduced as a means of contributing to human progress in the long run. By imagining competition between nations as a transitional stage of human development, scarcity nationalism aimed (and still aims) at justifying national competition while relating it to a universalist and progressive framework.


1998 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Maddison

This article uses the concept of labour commodification to critique common historiographical portraits of skilled workers in transition to industrial capitalism. The meanings with which skilled workers in late nineteenth-century Australia understood their own labour went far beyond a repertoire of technical abilities. They viewed skill as a socio-biological disposition specific to a human type (adult, male, Anglo-Saxon), and this view intimately connected artisans' work and selfhood. Capitalist industrial change threatened to disrupt those connections. The notoriously exclusive union policies skilled workers invented can thus be seen as designed not simply to position their members more advantageously on the labour market, but to protect artisanal selves and identities from the corrosive effects of labour commodification.


2012 ◽  
Vol 102 (5) ◽  
pp. 1832-1856 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ran Abramitzky ◽  
Leah Platt Boustan ◽  
Katherine Eriksson

During the age of mass migration (1850–1913), one of the largest migration episodes in history, the United States maintained a nearly open border, allowing the study of migrant decisions unhindered by entry restrictions. We estimate the return to migration while accounting for migrant selection by comparing Norway-to-US migrants with their brothers who stayed in Norway in the late nineteenth century. We also compare fathers of migrants and nonmigrants by wealth and occupation. We find that the return to migration was relatively low (70 percent) and that migrants from urban areas were negatively selected from the sending population. (JEL J11, J61, N31, N33)


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