scholarly journals Labour Commodification and Skilled Selves in Late Nineteenth-Century Australia

1998 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Maddison
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Adult Male ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Industrial Change ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Human Type ◽  
Late Nineteenth

This article uses the concept of labour commodification to critique common historiographical portraits of skilled workers in transition to industrial capitalism. The meanings with which skilled workers in late nineteenth-century Australia understood their own labour went far beyond a repertoire of technical abilities. They viewed skill as a socio-biological disposition specific to a human type (adult, male, Anglo-Saxon), and this view intimately connected artisans' work and selfhood. Capitalist industrial change threatened to disrupt those connections. The notoriously exclusive union policies skilled workers invented can thus be seen as designed not simply to position their members more advantageously on the labour market, but to protect artisanal selves and identities from the corrosive effects of labour commodification.

Ambivalent Capitalists: The Roots of Fascist Ideology among Bohemian Nobles, 1880–1938

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eagle Glassheim
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Group ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Modern Economic ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Although fascism has often been considered a plebeian, even radically egalitarian ideology, many of its outspoken proponents were members of the old European elite: nobles, clericalists and representatives of the haute bourgeoisie. Historians of Nazi Germany have puzzled over the affinity of German conservatives such as Paul von Hindenburg and Franz von Papen to Adolf Hitler's National Socialist version of fascism. A small but extremely wealthy noble elite struggled to maintain its long-standing social, economic and political influence in Bohemia. By the late nineteenth century, the Bohemian nobility was a self-consciously traditional social group with a decidedly modern economic relationship to agrarian and industrial capitalism. This chapter examines the response of the Bohemian aristocracy to the new state of Czechoslovakia. This restricted caste of cosmopolitan latifundist families was more German than Czech in sentiment, and further alienated by land reform. The aristocrats entertained divergent assessments of Nazism and responded in different ways to the crisis of the state by 1938.

RACE, EMPIRE, AND THE LIMITS OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY SCOTTISH NATIONHOOD

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 873-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
COLIN KIDD
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The People ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Scotland's Unionist culture has already become a world we have lost, investigation of which is hampered by the misleading notion of a ‘Celtic fringe’. Nineteenth-century Lowland Scots were not classified as Celts; indeed they vociferously projected a Teutonic racial identity. Several Scots went so far as to claim not only that the Saxon Scots of the Lowlands were superior to the Celts of the Highlands, but that the people of the Lowlands came from a more purely Anglian stock than the population of southern England. For some Scots the glory of Scottish identity resided in the boast that Lowlanders were more authentically ‘English’ than the English themselves. Moreover, Scottish historians reinterpreted the nation's medieval War of Independence – otherwise a cynosure of patriotism – as an unfortunate civil war within the Saxon race. Curiously, racialism – which was far from monolithic – worked at times both to support and to subvert Scottish involvement in empire. The late nineteenth century also saw the formulation of Scottish proposals for an Anglo-Saxon racial empire including the United States; while Teutonic racialism inflected the nascent Scottish home rule movement as well as the Udal League in Orkney and Shetland.

The Flight from the Land? Rural Migration in South-East Shropshire in the Late Nineteenth Century

Rural History ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
GWYNETH NAIR ◽  
DAVID POYNER
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Adult Male ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rural Migrants ◽  
Rural Market ◽  
Rural Environments ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Agricultural Labourers

Using the 1881 census, we have tracked 1172 individuals who left their birthplaces in the villages of Billingsley, Chelmarsh, Highley and Kinlet in south-east Shropshire. This has allowed us to investigate the destinations and motivations for rural migrants in the second half of the nineteenth century. Half the migrants (fifty-two per cent) remained in rural environments; a further eighteen per cent moved to rural market towns. Thus only thirty per cent of the sample moved to truly urban destinations. Furthermore fifty per cent of the adult male migrants remained as agricultural labourers or in closely related occupations; even in the urban cohort twenty-one per cent followed agricultural-related occupations. Using the Armstrong classification of social status, it was not possible to measure any significant increase in status following rural to urban movement. Thus most rural migrants in this sample did not move to urban locations; instead rural to rural movement, making use of traditional skills, was apparently perceived as the most beneficial strategy.

GASTRO-COSMOPOLITANISM AND THE RESTAURANT IN LATE VICTORIAN AND EDWARDIAN LONDON

2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 681-706 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRENDA ASSAEL
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Simultaneous Presence ◽  
The World ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Global Exchange ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis article argues that the restaurant offers a useful site for mapping patterns of transnational and global exchange within late Victorian and Edwardian London. The dramatic expansion of public eating in this period was met in part by foreign-born entrepreneurs, and wait and kitchen staff drawn from a genuinely international labour market. Londoners and visitors to the metropolis were exposed to a variety of new, often hybrid, culinary cultures, which call into question simplistic binaries between Britain and the world beyond. The simultaneous presence in London's restaurant scene of French menus, Indian dishes, Italian cooks, German waiters, and Chinese and American diners reveals the complexity of the relationship between populations and places. London's ‘gastro-cosmopolitan’ culture reveals not merely the extent to which Britain's imperial metropolis was exposed to transnational forces, but that these influences were genuinely global and not confined to Britain's formal empire. London's cosmopolitan dining culture suggests that historians might be advised to move beyond the tropes of danger and anxiety when discussing late nineteenth-century London, and do more to acknowledge a range of responses – attraction and pleasure included – which more accurately reflected the metropolitan experience.

The Politics of Rural Industrialization: Class, Gender, and Collective Protest in the Saxon Oberlausitz of the Late Nineteenth Century

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean H. Quataert
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Collective Behavior ◽  
Labor Process ◽  
Class Formation ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
False Consciousness ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
The Past ◽  
Rural Industrialization ◽  
Late Nineteenth

History preserves numerous images of workers' protests. Both contemporaries and later historians, inspired by fear or enthusiasm, have scoured the records of the past for examples of popular rebellion, workplace militancy, or class mobilization. Indeed, a large literature exists that seeks to explain collective behavior by puzzling out the links between class formation and collective protest as well as the relationships between the individual's “objective” class situation and thought and action. But this literature—like the subjects of its inquiry itself—is in transition. It was once assumed that protest had its own iron logic and that “radical” consciousness was the necessary end product of the changing labor process under industrial capitalism; all other behavior was easily dismissed as “false” consciousness.

scholarly journals “To the Interests and Conscience of the Great Mass of the Community:” The Evolution of Temperance Societies in Nineteenth-Century Central Canada

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darren Ferry
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mutual Aid ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Temperance Movement ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Central Canada ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
Benefit System

Abstract The resilience of nineteenth-century temperance societies as a cultural force in central Canada is a testament to their adaptability towards shifting societal trends, as well as their ability to utilize diverse strategies in the war against the liquor traffic. And yet the inclusive appeal of these organizations among all members of the community masked the conflicts and contentions found within the temperance movement. Pre-Confederation temperance societies established a large constituency of support culled from middle-class evangelicals and the skilled working class, although the measured withdrawal from the benefit system of mutual aid eroded the enthusiasm of skilled workers for temperance societies. However, the sectarian and political turmoil from within temperance associations clearly resulted in the irrelevance of temperance societies by mid-century. While temperance societies experienced a marked escalation in influence by the last two decades of the nineteenth century, a divergent approach taken by rural and urban temperance advocates in relation to legislative prohibition led to more discord and disagreements over the ultimate direction of the temperance movement. The openness of late nineteenth-century temperance societies was once again exposed as empty rhetoric, as the spectre of prohibition became a political hurdle too strong for a divided temperance community to overcome.

The European extension

2018 ◽  
pp. 225-247
Author(s):  
Eric Richards
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Fundamental Problem ◽  
Critical Factor ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Industrial Change ◽  
Mass Migration ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Returns To Labour

Across much of Europe in the late nineteenth century there was a fundamental problem, notably in those zones where industrialisation had had little impact and where the agricultural sector confronted declining returns to labour. Population growth was evidently occurring in a transforming context of agrarian and industrial change, which carried the ultimate causes of mass migration. The absorbent capacity of European cities and towns was the critical factor in the long run. The scale of intra-European migration was extraordinary: Europe’s industrial cities attracted foreigners in vast numbers. The Canadian historian Norman Macdonald declared that the great diasporic European phenomenon was a migration with ‘many roots, chiefly the adverse conditions in the Old World and the appeal of the New’. By the late nineteenth century, emigrants were streaming out of most parts of Europe.

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