The Right to Know, The Right to be Counted, The Right to Resist: Cancer, AIDS, and the Politics of Privacy and Surveillance in Post-War America

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Amy L. Fairchild

The practice of public health begins with surveillance, the identification of individuals with disease. But while not all efforts to monitor morbidity and mortality entail formal notification of individual cases, the name-based reporting of individuals always involves a breach of privacy. The pitched battles over surveillance that marked the first two decades of the AIDS epidemic and, indeed, more recent global debates over the reach of the surveillance state in the name of national security might suggest a kind of timeless, furious battle on the part of those who would be subject to surveillance to defend a 'right to be left alone.' But just as often, indeed, perhaps more often, citizens have claimed a right to be counted, demanding surveillance in the face of unknown health threats. In either case, however, in the United States, regardless of whether communities pushed for or against disease reporting, marked citizen engagement has shaped the politics of surveillance since the 1970s. To be sure, privacy was always at stake. But so, too, were what activists conceived of as the right to be counted and the right to know.

It was acknowledged in the 1997 White Paper Your Right To Know that the United Kingdom could learn much from the experience of other countries with established FOI regimes. The draftsman of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 had regard to the statutory schemes of five such countries whose jurisprudence has precedent value in our courts: Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United States. Chapter 25 looks at their different approaches to the fundamental elements of any FOI regime, and gives examples of how their courts have interpreted and applied the respective statutes. The chapter notes common themes and recurrent sources of controversy, notably delays in responding to requests, charges for access, and the position of affected third parties. It traces how the legislation in each country has been adapted over the years, and where there is pressure for yet further reforms.


Author(s):  
T. M. Luhrmann

One of the challenges of living with schizophrenia in the United States is the clear identity conferred by the diagnostic label itself. In a society so acutely aware of individual rights, care involves explicit diagnosis. After all, a patient has the right to know. But the label “schizophrenia” is often toxic for those who acquire it. It creates not only what Erving Goffman called a “spoiled identity” but also an identity framed in opposition to the broader social world. This chapter illustrates this challenge through the life of a man who struggles with this illness.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (54) ◽  
pp. 499
Author(s):  
Edilton MEIRELES

RESUMONeste trabalho tratamos do direito de manifestação em piquetes e da responsabilidade que possa advir desses atos em face da jurisprudência da Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos da América. A partir da análise das principais decisões da Suprema Corte se pode concluir que, de modo geral, os participantes do piquete não respondem quando agem de forma não ilegal. Está sedimentado, no entanto, o entendimento de que o organizador do piquete responde pelos atos dos participantes. A pesquisa desenvolvida se justifica enquanto estudo comparativo e diante do pouco debate existente no Brasil a respeito do tema. Na pesquisa foi utilizado o método dedutivo, limitada à ciência dogmática do direito, com estudo de casos apreciados pelo judiciário. PALAVRAS-CHAVES: Responsabilidade; Piquete; Estados Unidos; Suprema Corte; Liberdade De Expressão. ABSTRACTIn this work we deal with the right of demonstration in pickets and the responsibility that may arise from these acts in the face of the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of the United States of America. From the analysis of the Supreme Court's main decisions it can be concluded that, in general, the picket participants do not respond when they act in a non-illegal way. It is settled, however, the understanding that the picket organizer responds by the acts of the participants. The research developed is justified as a comparative study and in view of the little debate that exists in Brazil regarding the subject. In the research was used the deductive method, limited to the dogmatic science of law, with study of cases appreciated by the judiciary.KEYWORDS: Responsibility; Picket; United States; Supreme Court; Freedom Of Expression.


Author(s):  
Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar ◽  
Jerry L. Mashaw

The economic analysis of regulation is a broad topic, with implications for environmental protection, communications and technology policy, public health, immigration, national security, and other areas affecting risk and welfare in society. This chapter covers only a portion of the relevant ground, focusing on the following essential topics: First, what do we mean by “economic analysis” and what do we mean by “regulation”? Second, why has this topic become an important one, not only the United States, but in most advanced democracies? Third, why is economic analysis and regulation a contested, even contentious, aspect of modern regulatory activity? Finally, and most important, how is economic analysis structured into regulatory decision-making, and how might existing arrangements evolve over time?


Chapter 6 deals with the ways in which public authorities may be encouraged and compelled to implement the right to know. A distinction is drawn between the powers of the Information Commissioner to promote good practice in accordance with the codes of practice outside the context of a particular request for information and the enforcement of such a request. Chapter 6 outlines the procedure for appealing to the Commissioner and the First-tier Tribunal and states how an appeal can come before the Upper Tribunal, the Court of Appeal, and the Supreme Court. It identifies the ways in which confidentiality is preserved during the appeal process: the closed material procedure and the national security appeals tribunal. It discusses the limits which the Courts have placed on ministerial vetoes; enforcement by contempt proceedings; and the position of third parties. The First-tier Tribunal Rules provide for their joinder.


Author(s):  
Molly Knowles ◽  
Joanna Simmons ◽  
Mariana Chilton

Food insecurity—lack of access to enough food for an active and healthy life—is a major public health issue, affecting the health and well-being of one in seven people in the United States. Food insecurity is related to economic, social, and political conditions, and is beyond the control of a single household. Structural inequalities and discrimination against people of color, LGBTQ people, immigrants, people with disabilities, and women drives disparities in food insecurity. Major policy interventions include raising wages, improving the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, various programs of the Child Nutrition Reauthorization, and the Elder Nutrition Program, but these programs are not sufficient to address food insecurity fully. A human rights approach, which recognizes the right to food and promotes increasing civic participation among people from all sectors, offers new possibilities in addressing food insecurity in the United States.


2021 ◽  
pp. e1-e3
Author(s):  
Carl Schmid

After 40 years of living and, sadly, dying with HIV, the United States has become rather complacent. Perhaps this is partially attributable to our own success in treating, preventing, and responding to HIV. But imagine if we allowed another deadly infectious disease, such as COVID-19, to continue to spread for 40 years without investing the attention and resources needed to wipe it out. We must end this dangerous cycle, and we can with the right tools and leadership. But will we? (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print June 10, 2021: e1–e3. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306349 )


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-213
Author(s):  
Dragan Simic ◽  
Dragan Zivojinovic

The paper deals with the foreign and security policy of the United States of America during the first hundred days of the Biden administration. Ever since Franklin Delano Roosevelt?s first term, the presidential performance at the beginning of the administration has been measured by the first hundred days of a president?s term. The most important intentions about what is to be achieved, the selection of the team, key appointments, and the establishment of the National Security Council System, the most important speeches, and concrete moves towards regional and functional issues, say a lot about what the foreign and security policy of an administration will look like. President Joe Biden is no exception. Moreover, his insistence that the circumstances in which the United States finds itself are a truly ?Rooseveltian moment? contributed to the first hundred days of his administration being monitored with special attention. The authors start from the hypothesis that Biden, owing to his experience in government and a good reading of the circumstances in which America and the world find themselves, established a good and functional national security system as well as a clear list of foreign policy priorities. He, like Franklin Delano Roosevelt, found the appropriate balance between values and interests, means and goals, pragmatism and principle. The authors conclude that, although the first steps are promising, it remains to be seen whether Biden will reach the highest standards set by his famous predecessor, especially in the face of some unforeseen and unexpected events.


Author(s):  
Kathleen Blee

White women have long been associated with organized white supremacism in the United States, but their connection to these politics changed around the time that the Nineteenth Amendment guaranteed women the right to vote. Until the 1920s, white women were primarily used by racist men as symbols of white vulnerability in the face of legal gains by African American men. They rarely participated actively in white supremacist politics. From the 1920s on, however, enfranchised white women have played an increasing role in racist movements of all types. Most Ku Klux Klans and white power skinhead and neo-Nazi groups recruit women as full members, although few allow women in formal leadership positions.


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