Case Note – Justice Served?: Ashwaq Haji Hamid Talo's Confrontation and Conviction of Her Islamic State Captor

Author(s):  
Gina Vale

Over five years after the Islamic State (IS) terrorist group launched its genocidal attack against the Yazidi ethno-religious minority community in Sinjar, Northern Iraq, calls for 'justice' remain largely unanswered. While hundreds of IS members have been tried and convicted of their group affiliation, few have faced charges for crimes committed against the Yazidis. However, in March 2020, Ashwaq Haji Hamid Talo – a 20-year-old Yazidi woman – took the stand of a Baghdad courtroom and played a driving role in the prosecution and conviction of her attacker. Through examination of her case in the context of wider political and procedural concerns for trying IS members, this article highlights both the opportunities and challenges for individual victims and the wider Yazidi community to secure meaningful 'justice'.

Author(s):  
Pia Jäger ◽  
Claudia Rammelt ◽  
Notburga Ott ◽  
Angela Brand

The Yezidis who represent a religious minority living in Northern Iraq were particularly affected by the persecution by ISIS (Islamic state of Iraq and Syria, syn.: ISIL—Islamic state of Iraq and the Levant) that gained power after 2013. This paper gives an overview of the events and the mental health consequences on the Yezidi community as well as associated influences on affected female Yezidis. Based on a systematic literature search, the aspects of “Persecution by ISIS and actual situation of the Yezidi community”, “Gender-specific aspects of the persecution and its consequences”, “Mental health of the affected women”, and “Cultural–historical and religious context” are worked out. Research indicates a high burden of health strain and mental health problems in the surviving Yezidi women, especially post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD) and depression. Concerning transgenerational trauma, the recent genocide has revived past experiences in the history of the community. Like the narrow cultural and religious rules of the community, this can be both a resource and a burden. The actual extent of the attacks is neither predictable for the affected individuals nor for the community, consequences could also be passed onto descendants. Long-term care and support of the affected persons, their descendants, and the Yezidi community seems indispensable.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Perjan Hashim Taha ◽  
Nezar Ismet Taib ◽  
Hushyar Musa Sulaiman

Abstract Background In 2014, the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) took over one-third of Iraq. This study measured the rate of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among Iraqi Yazidi internally displaced persons (IDPs) and examined associated demographic and traumatic risk factors. Methods A cross-sectional survey was carried out in April–June 2015 at the Khanke camp, northern Iraq. Trauma exposure and PTSD were measured by the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (Iraqi version). Results Of 814 adult Yazidi IDPs, 34% screened positive for PTSD. Avoidance and intrusion symptoms had the highest means (M = 3.16, SD = 0.86 and M = 2.63, SD = 0.59 respectively). Associated factors of PTSD included exposure to a high number of traumatic events, unmet basic needs and having witnessed the destruction of residential or religious areas (OR = 1.39, 95% CI: 1.02–1.9 and OR = 1.25, 95% CI: 1.01–1.53 respectively). Being a widow was the only linked demographic factor (OR = 15.39, 95% CI: 3.02–78.39). Conclusions High traumatic exposure, specifically unmet basic needs and having witnessed destruction, was an important predictor of PTSD among Yazidi IDPs. These findings are important for mental health planning for IDPs in camps.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Martin ◽  
Hussein Solomon

The Islamic State (IS) took the global stage in June 2014 and since has become one of the greatest threats to international peace and security. While initially closely affiliated with Al-Qaeda, the IS has proved itself to be a distinct phenomenon of horror—more dangerous than Al-Qaeda. The group essentially established itself in the volatile Middle East, but has infiltrated many parts of the world with the aim of expanding Islam’s Holy War. What certainly makes the IS different from its predecessors is that the group has been labeled the wealthiest terrorist group in the world today. By the fall of 2015, IS generated an annual income of US$2.4 billion. The question for many analysts observing the situation in Syria is: where does the IS gets its money? The aim of this article is to critically observe the nature of IS and its funding requirements and the measures pursued in curtailing the group’s funding.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Skjelderup

AbstractHarakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen, usually referred to as al-Shabaab (the youth), is known primarily as a Somali terrorist group. But since the end of 2008, it has functioned as a state power in large parts of Southern and Central Somalia. In this article, I analyze the main legal body of the group: theqāḍīcourt. In order to establish law and order in their territories, al-Shabaab has applied their own version ofsharī'a. The article reveals that al-Shabaab's application of criminal law follows the inherent logic of classical Islamic legal doctrines on several points. However, the al-Shabaab courts tend to overlook many of the strict requirements regarding evidence and procedure that were outlined by the medieval Muslim scholars in order to humanize Islamic law. Therefore, the legal reality of al-Shabaab's regime is far more brutal than that of most other Islamic-inspired regimes in the contemporary Muslim world. Al-Shabaab's practice of Islamic criminal law may be seen not only as a means to exercise control through fear but also as an effective way of filling the vacuum of insecurity and instability that has followed twenty years of violence and the absence of state institutions in its territories. I argue that, in order to understand al-Shabaab's current practice of criminal law, one has to take into consideration the group's jihadi-Salafi affiliation. According to Salafi notions,sharī'ais not only a means to an end, but an end in itself. As such,sharī'a(i.e., God's divine law) is the visual symbol of an Islamic state. Consequently, the application of Islamic criminal law, and especially of theḥudūdpunishments, provides al-Shabaab with political-religious legitimacy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 530-553
Author(s):  
Phuong Pham ◽  
Niamh Gibbons ◽  
Jana Katharina Denkinger ◽  
Florian Junne ◽  
Patrick Vinck

Abstract In August 2014, Islamic State (ISIS) jihadists overtook the Sinjar mountains of northern Iraq, committing widespread killing and abductions of Yazidi community members. Five years later, there is no comprehensive policy or programme to provide accountability and redress to survivors of ISIS. This article presents results from in-depth interviews with 117 Yazidi refugees resettled in the German Federal State of Baden-Württemberg in 2015–16 through the ‘Special Quota’ humanitarian assistance programme. The results provide an empirical assessment of Yazidi survivors’ views on justice and accountability. They also explore the tensions that exist at the intersection of global and national considerations for justice and reconciliation, and local values, needs, and priorities. The immediate need to find the missing and reunify families, and ensuring the safety and wellbeing of family members remaining in Iraq, are the respondents’ highest priority. The respondents also expressed a strong desire for truth and accountability. Recognition of the genocide, truth-seeking, and criminal prosecution are seen as important steps individually, and towards the protection of Yazidis as a group. The article addresses how those views relate to the possibility of a just and peaceful future in Iraq and the context of transitional justice options that have been proposed in response to ISIS crimes.


2018 ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Mediel Hove ◽  

This article examines the origins of the ‘Islamic State’ or the Islamic State of Iraq and Sham or Levant (ISIS) in light of the contemporary political and security challenges posed by its diffusion of Islamic radicalism. The Arab Spring in 2011 ignited instability in Syria providing an operational base for the terrorist group to pursue its once abandoned Islamic state idea. Its growth and expansion has hitherto proved to be a threat not only to the Middle East but to international security given its thrust on world domination. It concludes that the United States of America’s activities in the Middle East were largely responsible for the rise of the Islamic State.


Author(s):  
E. Matoušková ◽  
L. Starková ◽  
K. Pavelka ◽  
K. Nováček ◽  
J. Šedina ◽  
...  

This paper introduces two archaeological sites documented during the MULINEM (The Medieval Urban Landscape in Northeastern Mesopotamia) project. This project investigates the Late Sasanian and Islamic urban network in the land of Erbil, a historic province of Hidyab (Adiabene) that is located in northern Iraq. The investigated sites are the two deserted cities of Makhmúr al-Quadíma and Al-Hadítha. It is assumed that these two sites used to form large cities with high business and cultural importance in the medieval period. The archaeological locations are endangered by various threats.The Al-Hadítha site seems to be under the control of the „Islamic state“ at the moment and Makhmúr al-Quadíma is located just next to the town of new Makhmúr that expands rapidly and without complex urban plans. Documentation of the archaeological sites has been done by using remotely sensed methods together with in-situ measurements (where available). FORMOSAT-2 data that has been gained through a research announcement: Free FORMOSAT-2 satellite imagery and when combined with other sources (recent and historical data) it provides a powerful documentation tool. In-situ RPAS measurements and a DTM creation furnish a new source of highly valuable information. Influence of the political and security situation in Al-Hadítha will be analysed.


Author(s):  
E. Matoušková ◽  
L. Starková ◽  
K. Pavelka ◽  
K. Nováček ◽  
J. Šedina ◽  
...  

This paper introduces two archaeological sites documented during the MULINEM (The Medieval Urban Landscape in Northeastern Mesopotamia) project. This project investigates the Late Sasanian and Islamic urban network in the land of Erbil, a historic province of Hidyab (Adiabene) that is located in northern Iraq. The investigated sites are the two deserted cities of Makhmúr al-Quadíma and Al-Hadítha. It is assumed that these two sites used to form large cities with high business and cultural importance in the medieval period. The archaeological locations are endangered by various threats.The Al-Hadítha site seems to be under the control of the „Islamic state“ at the moment and Makhmúr al-Quadíma is located just next to the town of new Makhmúr that expands rapidly and without complex urban plans. Documentation of the archaeological sites has been done by using remotely sensed methods together with in-situ measurements (where available). FORMOSAT-2 data that has been gained through a research announcement: Free FORMOSAT-2 satellite imagery and when combined with other sources (recent and historical data) it provides a powerful documentation tool. In-situ RPAS measurements and a DTM creation furnish a new source of highly valuable information. Influence of the political and security situation in Al-Hadítha will be analysed.


Significance The meeting follows Turkey's launch of military strikes on July 24 against Islamic State group (ISG) in northern Syria and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in northern Iraq. Although Ankara says it is pursuing a broader strategy against terrorism, it has two asymmetrical goals. Against ISG, its measures remain largely defensive in nature, including driving ISG from the border and reducing the threat of blowback inside Turkey. Against the PKK, they appear more ambitious and appear designed to crush the organisation and use force rather than dialogue to resolve the demands of Turkey's Kurds for greater cultural and political rights. Impacts The US-led coalition may move the main platform for its air campaign in Syria and Iraq to Turkey, reducing flying times to targets. Ankara is likely to stop short of deploying ground troops in Syria. ISG may retaliate inside Turkey, particularly against its tourism sector. AKP may abandon coalition negotiations and go for the nationalist vote to recover its majority in early elections, possibly in November. Crackdown on ISG activities inside Turkey could weaken the group in Syria.


Bluster ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Peter R. Neumann

The chapter shows how countering terrorism was a vitally important part of Donald Trump's 2015/16 election campaign. The themes he articulated represented the clearest, most radicalized version of his doctrine. In line with his idea of "killing terrorists" and "keeping Muslims out" of the country, he presented a fundamentally different idea of countering terrorism than his rivals. He portrayed the confrontation with Islamic State as a civilizational conflict, which involved not just defeating a terrorist group, but classified Muslims as part of an immigrant "out-group", described Islam as fundamentally incompatible with the American way of life, and legitimized virtually any means of achieving victory and restoring "respect".


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