Wisconsin and Beyond

Author(s):  
Gordon Lafer

This chapter examines the legislative attacks on the public sector aimed at eliminating employee union rights and slashing public services. Corporate lobbies and their legislative allies saw the 2010 elections as an opportunity to restructure labor relations, political power, and the size of government. With no guarantee that their dominance would last into the future, the 2011–2012 legislatures were driven by an urgency to pursue ambitious reforms while it was politically feasible. The chapter analyzes the extent of this legislative offensive as well as its underlying motives and ultimate objectives. It also asks why large, private corporations would spend significant time, money, and energy fighting public employee unions in Wisconsin or Ohio, and whether public employees are to blame for state budget deficits. Finally, it discusses the political and economic impacts of antiunionism and who benefited from cutting public employee compensation and pensions.

2009 ◽  
Vol 99 (5) ◽  
pp. 2227-2246 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Matsusaka

In the public sector, employment may be inefficiently high because of patronage, and wages may be inefficiently high because of public employee interest groups. This paper explores whether the initiative process, a direct democracy institution of growing importance, ameliorates these political economy problems. In a sample of 650+ cities, I find that when public employees cannot bargain collectively and patronage could be a problem, initiatives appear to cut employment but not wages. When public employees bargain collectively, driving up wages, the initiative appears to cut wages but not employment. The employment-cutting result is robust; the wage-cutting result survives some but not all robustness tests. (JEL D72, J31, J45, J52)


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Briann Greenfield

Connecticut Humanities (CTH), one of the largest and most prosperous state humanities councils in the country, created a model of the public humanities around the production of heritage tourism. State funding for heritage tourism helped CTH develop into a major advocacy organization that has provided funding and capacity building services to the state’s heritage institutions while it also cultivated appreciation and understanding of Connecticut history. But because of state budget deficits and the failure of heritage tourism to sustain the state’s history museums, heritage tourism may no longer offer a viable paradigm and CTH must likely develop a new model of the public humanities that engages more directly with public audiences and a wider variety of humanities organizations.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Bob Barnetson

In 2002, approximately two thirds of school teachers in the Canadian province of Alberta went on strike. Drawing on media, government and union documents, this case study reveals some contours of the political economy of labor relations in education that are normally hidden from view. Among these features are that the state can react to worker resistance by legally pressuring trade unions and justifying this action as in the public interest. This justification seeks to divide the working class and pit segments of it against each other. The state may also seek to limit discussion and settlements to monetary matters to avoid constraining its ability to manage the workplace or the educational system. This analysis provides a basis for developing a broader theory of the political economy of labor relations in education. It also provides trade unionists in education with information useful in formulating a strike strategy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 842-853
Author(s):  
Faisal Al-Haidar

Purpose The purpose of this study is to clarify the importance of the system of administrative disciplinary procedures against the public employee in the State of Kuwait and the UK in light of the laws regulating the work in the public sector and, in particular, the statement of the disciplinary procedures that the public employee is subjected to. Design/methodology/approach This research paper will examine the disciplinary procedures in Kuwait and the UK as follows: disciplinary procedures in Kuwait and disciplinary procedures in UK, which consists of ; disciplinary procedures in the UK, disciplinary penalties in UK, grievance procedures in the UK, failure to follow the disciplinary procedures in the UK and standard procedure of discipline in the UK. Findings The duties and privileges of public employees stipulated in the Kuwait Civil Service Law are not sufficiently balanced as the penalties for higher ranked employees are lesser than those of employees in the lower rank. Public employees in the State of Kuwait need the establishment of an independent administrative court with its specialty and its own nature. There is also a need for a detailed list that specifies all the civil disciplinary offences. The discipline procedures in the UK are preferable than that in Kuwait. Originality/value The stages of discipline procedures for an offending employee have serious consequences and will affect the productivity of the work. Administrative investigation procedures may require public employees to be suspended from employment or have their employment terminated. It is, therefore, imperative for the administration to brief the public employee about all disciplinary actions that may be taken against him or her. As a consequence, the employee referred for an administrative investigation would be able to exercise his/her right to a fair trial and defend himself/herself.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 328-345
Author(s):  
Abdulwahhab Gumaah Al-Kubissi ◽  
Shatha Ahmed Al-Assaf

This research focuses on the reasons for withdrawing the public employees hand from his position in the Iraqi and Jordanian Laws and judicial oversight over the decision to withdraw. He public employees. The research tries to answer a very important problem which is the extent of the legal regulation for the reasons for withdrawing the employees hand from the work of this job and the judicial: The first topic focuses on the reasons for withdrawing the public employees hand from his position. The second topic deals topic deals with judicial oversight of decisions to withdraw the employees hand from his position. A number: 1- that the administrative courts look into the penalties directed at the employee from the administrant to the employee who has withdrawn the hand from his public office. especially in the penalties of dismissal and dismissal, provided that the appeal is mandatory either by the employee or by investigative committee to raise all the investigative papers and the penalty directed to the employee to the administrative court consider whether the punishment is correct or not, the two penalties mentioned above are among the most serious penalties that are applied to the employee. 2- He suggested to the civil service system, setting time to suspend the year from work and not to be dismissed because in this it generates the state treasury and harms the public employee who is suspended from work to receive half of his salaries and does not provide any community service.


Author(s):  
Pedro PADILLA RUIZ

LABURPENA: Herritarrei emaitza onak eskaintzeko orduan, Administrazio Publikoa ez dute beti gidatu izan bere xede eta betebeharrekin bat egiten duten jarduera-ereduek, eta administrazio txarra deritzona ekarri du horrek. Horren ondorioak ahultzeko, administrazio ona edukitzeko eskubidea eta administrazio onaren printzipioa agertu ziren, administrazioak jarduteko esparru gisara. Hala ere, enplegatu publikoek jarduteko esparrua izateko sortu ziren batez ere, horiexek baitira gizarteak eskatzen duen administrazioaren benetako egileak. Kontzeptu horretara hurbildu ondoren, eta hortik abiatuta, printzipio horren eta enplegatu publikoek kalitateko administrazioa lortzeko egiten duten jardueraren arteko harremana aztertuko dugu. Zehazki, printzipioak enplegatuen jarrera profesionalarekin eta lanaren gaineko ebaluazioarekin duen lotura aztertuko dugu; izan ere, ebaluazio hori funtsezko tresna da, administrazio on horren betetze-maila egiaztatzeko informazioa ematen du-eta. RESUMEN: La Administración Pública no siempre se ha guiado por modelos de actuación acordes con sus objetivos y obligaciones a la hora de ofrecer resultados satisfactorios a los ciudadanos, dando lugar a lo que se ha venido en llamar una mala Administración. Para contrarrestar sus defectos apareció el derecho-principio de buena Administración como marco de actuación de aquella, pero sobre todo de los empleados públicos, verdaderos artífices de la Administración que reclama la sociedad. Partiendo de una aproximación a tal concepto, analizamos la relación existente entre dicho principio y la actuación del empleado público para el logro de una Administración de calidad, abordando en particular su conexión con la conducta profesional y con la evaluación del desempeño, herramienta esencial, por otra parte, por la información que ofrece a la hora de comprobar el grado de cumplimiento de esa buena Administración. ABSTRACT: Public Administration has not always been guided by models of action according to its objectives and duties in order to offer satisfactory results to the citizens. This has gave rise to what it has been called a bad Administration. In order to counteract its shortcomings the right-principle of good Administration has appeared as a framework of the Administration action, but above all of the public employees, real authors of the Administration that the society demands. On the basis of an approach to this concept we analyze the existing relationship between this principle and the public employee performance in order to achieve the quality in the Public Administration, addressing, in particular, its con nection with professional behaviour and job evaluation, which is an essential tool, on the other hand, due to the information it offers to verify the degree of compliance of that good Administration.


Author(s):  
James Garand ◽  
Justin Ulrich ◽  
Ping Xu

This chapter reviews the recent scholarly literature on fiscal policy in the American states, focusing on several important topics: (1) size and growth of the public sector in the states; (2) how states determine expenditure and revenue priorities; (3) the politics of state budget deficits and surpluses; (4) the effects of fiscal policy on various political, economic, and social outcomes. The pace of scholarly research by political scientists on state fiscal policy has slowed considerably during the first decade of the 2000s, resulting in a leveling off of scientific progress in understanding state fiscal policy. There is a lot we still do not know about the size of the public sector, state spending and revenue policy, state deficits and surpluses, and the effects of state fiscal policy. We conclude with a discussion of unanswered research questions as a means of building an agenda for future research on state fiscal policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 328
Author(s):  
Songga Aurora Abadi

The purpose of this article is to describe the procedures for the financial accountability of political parties obtained from the State Budget (APBN) or the Local Government Budget (APBD) and the substance of the political party accountability report. The study method uses sociological juridical with case studies. Data collection uses interviews and documentation studies. Political parties obtain funds sourced from the APBN or APBD according to the number of votes obtained at the national level (DPR), provincial (Provincial DPRD), and city/regency (City/Regency DPRD). The use of funds following regulations must allocate a minimum of 60% for political education. Political parties must report financial accountability to the government and the public. Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) audit the financial report. The financial report of political parties in the province is transparent. Financial report has been reported to the government and the public by political parties. The report is not yet sufficiently accountable because the use of finance is still not under the party's statutes/by-laws. 


Author(s):  
Nelson Lichtenstein

This chapter considers the idea of governmental “sovereignty,” as used by the right, to undermine the rationale for collective bargaining in the public sector. From the Boston Police Strike of 1919 forward, conservatives have considered the organization of government workers to be incompatible with the sovereign status of those entities sustained by taxes and elected by the populace. Public employee unions subverted the will of elected officeholders and undermined state power. That antiunion ideology faded in the two decades after 1958 when public employee unionism grew by leaps and bounds, but in recent years it has returned, albeit in a distinctively neoliberal, antistate guise. Conservatives today charge that instead of challenging the power of the state, public sector unionism is illegitimate because these institutions support those governmental functions that regulate commerce, sustain public education, and provide other public goods now under attack from the neoliberal right.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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