The Preface to the Second Part.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cadwallader Colden
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Fur Trade ◽  
The Other ◽  
The People ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
Indian Affairs ◽  
The Government

The former Part of this History was written at New-York in the Year 1727, on Occasion of a Dispute which then happened, between the Government of New-York and some Merchants. The French of Canada had the whole Fur Trade with the Western Indians in their Hands, and were supplied with their woollen Goods from New-York. Mr. Burnet, who took more Pains to be informed of the Interest of the People he was set over, and of making them useful to their Mother Country, than Plantation Governors usually do, took the Trouble of perusing all the Registers of the Indian Affairs on this Occasion. He from thence conceived of what Consequence the Fur Trade with the Western Indians was of to Great-Britain; that as the English had the Fur Trade to Hudson’s Bay given up to them, by the Treaty of Utrecht, so, by the Advantages which the Province of New-York has in its Situation, they might be able to draw the whole Fur Trade in the other Parts of America to themselves, and thereby the English engross that Trade, and the Manufactories depending on it....

Who Ran the British Empire 1830-1850?

1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Taft Manning
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
The People ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colonial Office

Patterns of historical writing are notoriously difficult to change. Much of what is still being written about colonial administration in the nineteenth-century British Empire rests on the partisan and even malicious writings of critics of the Government in England in the 1830s and '40s who had never seen the colonial correspondence and were unfamiliar with existing conditions in the distant colonies. The impression conveyed in most textbooks is that the Colonial Office after 1815 was a well-established bureaucracy concerned with the policies of the mother country in the overseas possessions, and that those policies changed very slowly and only under pressure. Initially Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Charles Buller were responsible for this Colonial Office legend, but it was soon accepted by most of the people who had business to transact there. Annoyed by the fact that the measures proposed by the Wakefield group did not meet with instant acceptance, Wakefield and Buller attacked the Permanent Under-Secretary, James Stephen, as the power behind the throne in 14 Downing Street and assumed that his ideas of right and wrong were being imposed willy-nilly on the unfortunate colonists and would-be colonists.The picture of Stephen as all-powerful in shaping imperial policy was probably strengthened by the publication in 1885 of Henry Taylor's Autobiography. Taylor was one of Stephen's warmest admirers and had served with him longer than anyone else; when he stated that for a quarter of a century Stephen “more than any one man virtually governed the British Empire,” historians were naturally inclined to give credence to his words.

scholarly journals AIR QUALITY MONITORING OF KALABAHI-ALOR’S SEAPORT-EAST OF NUSA TENGGARA

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-133
Author(s):  
Rikson Siburian ◽  
Minsyahril Bukit ◽  
Herlince Sihotang ◽  
Saur Lumban Raja ◽  
Minto Supeno ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Air Quality ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Quality Monitoring ◽  
Air Quality Monitoring ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

Evaluation of environment of seaport is needed as well as our responsibility to nature sustainability. The Alor’s seaport belongs to Pelindo III. In order to know the air quality of Alor’s seaport, we did this study. Our aims are to know level quality of air at Alor’s seaport and compare to the government regulation. This study refers to Pararosaniline (SOx), Saltzman (NOx), Particle Calculation (dust) and decibel (noisy) methods. We used four locations, those are A-1 (Entrance gate of PELINDO (8013’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)); A-2 (In front of passengers terminal (8013’08.75”S, 124031’01.60”E)); A-3 (Exit  gate Kalabahi’s seaport (8013’08.2”S, 124031’00.87”E)) and A-4 (In front of port of the people (8011’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)). Results show that the averages level of SOx, NOx and dust of A-1, A-2 and A-3 are 103.01, 104.65 and 107.47 (µg/Nm3), 37.87, 30.62, and 39.73 (µg/Nm3), 56.64, 47.47 and 50.72 (µg/Nm), respectively. On the other hand, the level of noisy of A-1, A-2, A-3 and A-4 are 68.76, 65.69, 65.20 and 73.60 (dBA), respectively. Base on all of data, we conclude that the air quality of Alor’s seaport is still appropriate according to government regulation (PP. No. 4, 1999).

Strategic Mobilization for Suffrage in Great Britain

2018 ◽  
pp. 49-82
Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Electoral Reform ◽  
World War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The People ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Women's Role ◽  
First World

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United Kingdom. Although a few suffragists and some subsequent scholars have claimed that women's role in preparations for the First World War paved the way for their inclusion, it argues that on its own, a shift in public opinion was not enough, nor was it strictly necessary, to guarantee women's enfranchisement. Instead, it proposes that the war's greatest influence on suffrage lay in the creation of a multi-party wartime cabinet, which saw Arthur Henderson, a Labour leader and a key player in the Election Fighting Fund, appointed to the government. Henderson's early and persistent lobbying prior to the 1916 “Speaker's Conference” on electoral reform is critical for understanding how women's suffrage made its way into the 1918 Representation of the People Act.

With Whom are we at War?

Philosophy ◽  
1940 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
J. H. Muirhead
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Natural Order ◽  
General Philosophy ◽  
Lively Discussion ◽  
The People ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
Difference Of Opinion ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Times ◽  
The One

Second in importance only to the question raised by the short editorial in the last number of Philosophy: Why are we at War? is that on which there is at present a lively discussion going on in The Times and elsewhere under the title of “German Rulers and People”: With Whom are we at War? On one point there is no difference of opinion: we are at war with the blood- and crimestained group that, with Hitler at their head, hold the reins of government. Difference begins when it is asked what share the people of Germany as a whole has in their crimes. On the one side are those who hold that, as you cannot, in historical words, “bring an indictment against a whole nation,” neither can you be at war with a whole people, and that the main problem we have before us is the discovery of the means to appeal to the intelligence and hearts of the mass of the nation in order to enlist it against its Government as a common enemy. On the other side are those who quote the equally historic words that “every nation gets the kind of government it deserves,” from which “it follows that it deserves no immunity for the acts of the Government by which it chooses, or allows itself, to be governed.” This argument is reinforced first by a general philosophy of war as the “natural” order of things from which man is only gradually emerging into an exceptional and precarious condition of peace; and secondly, with regard to Germany in particular, that “the lust for dominance through force is, and will be for generations, at the root of the German character.” The importance of the issue as thus stated requires no emphasis.

Trusteeship Council

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-307 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Annual Report ◽  
Free Expression ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
French Government ◽  
Cultural Organization ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Government ◽  
October 17

The Trusteeship Council held its eighth special session from October 13 to October 17, 1958, at UN Headquarters in New York. Following the adoption of its agenda, the Council decided to examine simultaneously the two major items before it, the future of Togoland under French administration and the examination of the annual report of the French government on Togoland for the year 1956. The Council also had before it the observations of the UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) on the territory. At the Council's 937th meeting, Mr. Dorsinville, the commissioner for the supervision of elections in the territory, presented his report on the elections which had been held on April 28, 1958, which he had drawn up in accordance with a resolution adopted at the twelfth session of the General Assembly. Mr. Dorsinville drew the attention of the Council to the fact that the election results had been contested in six electoral circonscriptions, but that the appeals concerning the results had been rejected by the administrative tribunal. The composition of the Chamber of Deputies was, therefore, the same as that announced by the Election Returns Board, as given in Mr. Dorsinville's report. The commissioner re-affirmed the conviction expressed in his report that the results of the elections reflected the wishes of the people of Togoland. He pointed out that by the election of April 1958 the unanimity of the government of Togoland had ended, so that the present government was composed of a majority of a little more than two-thirds of the members of the new Assembly. The change in public opinion in Togoland seemed to explain the election results, in Mr. Dorsinville's view; the UN mission, he stated, had helped to create the circumstances favorable to the free expression of the people's will. Mr. Dorsinville also noted that the conversations between the French government and a Togolese delegation which had resulted in a communique were an indication of the good relations to be promoted between Togoland and France.

The Executive Council, with Special Reference to Massachusetts

1915 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-308
Author(s):  
A. N. Holcombe
Keyword(s):  
Special Reference ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Other ◽  
Executive Council ◽  
Executive Authority ◽  
The People ◽  
State Administration ◽  
The Government ◽  
In The Beginning

The Massachusetts constitution of 1780 provided that there should be a council “for advising the governor in the executive part of the government.” The governor was authorized to convene the council at any time at his discretion “for the ordering and directing the affairs of the commonwealth.” Without the advice and consent of the council, the governor was declared to be incapable of exercising any of his powers of convoking, adjourning, or proroguing the legislature, of making appointments to office, of pardoning criminals, or of authorizing by warrant the expenditure of public moneys. The governor was not made dependent upon the advice and consent of his council in exercise of his legislative powers. He might at discretion recommend measures to the legislature and veto legislative enactments, but no executive authority whatsoever was entrusted to him alone, to be exercised without his council's advice and consent, except the command of the armed forces of the commonwealth. In short, the governor, though declared to be the supreme executive magistrate of the commonwealth, without the consent of his council was impotent in the conduct of state administration.In the beginning the Massachusetts council was chosen by the legislature, and constituted one of the chief agencies relied upon by the revolutionary “fathers” to protect the people against the menace of executive usurpation and tyranny. Similar bulwarks of liberty were established in most of the other states.

The Usurped Powers of the Senate

1906 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Maurice Low
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Constitutional Government ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
The People ◽  
The Federalist ◽  
The Government ◽  
As If

A century of constitutional government in the United States has served to emphasize the wisdom of Hamilton's warning of “the tendency of the legislative authority to absorb every other.” He clearly foresaw and attempted to guard against, dangers that today are only too apparent. “In governments purely republican,” he wrote, “this tendency is almost irresistible. The representatives of the people, in a popular assembly, seem sometimes to fancy that they are the people themselves, and betray strong symptoms of impatience and disgust at the least sign of opposition from any other quarter; as if the exercise of its rights, by either the executive or the judiciary, were a breach of their privilege and an outrage to their dignity. They often appear disposed to exert an imperious control over the other departments; and, as they commonly have the people on their side, they always act with such momentum as to make it very difficult for the other members of the government to maintain the balance of the Constitution.”Never did human ingenuity devise a more nicely balanced system of government than when the framers of the Constitution allocated to the executive and to the legislature the exercise of powers not to be infringed by the other; but like many things human the intent has been perverted. Every person familiar with the Constitution, the debates in the convention, and the writings of Madison, Hamilton, and Jay in The Federalist, must know that the purpose of the framers of the Constitution was to create a system of government by which the President should become neither the creature nor the controller of the legislature; and by vesting certain exclusive powers in the popular branch and certain other powers in the Senate to provide that the line of demarcation between the two houses should not be overstepped.

scholarly journals Why Zakat Collection in Indonesia is Not As Effective As it is in Malaysia

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Aris Puji Purwatiningsih ◽  
Muchlis Yahya
Keyword(s):  
Government Regulation ◽  
The Other ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Descriptive Method

The purpose of this article is to find out the practices and problems of why zakat in Indonesia have not been manage optimally as it is in Malaysia. This study applies descriptive method by collecting data and information from previous articles about zakat, especially zakat management in Indonesia and Malaysia. The findings show that the main problems in managing zakat in Indonesia are: first, there is no government regulation that requires all Muslim citizens who have property that reach nisab requirement to give out zakat. Secondly, Moslem community prefers to pay zakat to the people whom they have already known rather than to the existing formal zakat institutions. Third, there is a lack of good cooperation between zakat institutions owned by the government and the other institutions run by private parties. The result of this of this study may be useful to be used by all parties involved in zakat management so that it can be managed more optimal.

scholarly journals Revitalisasi Pendidikan Berbasis Keunggulan Lokal Dalam Bingkai KTSP

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Anung Priambodo
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Education Curriculum ◽  
National Education ◽  
Local Content ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Implementation Level

Abstract: Indonesia's biodiversity and all the other potentials that are fairly abundant must be utilized to improve the welfare of the people. One mechanism that is expected to be able transform potential into aktus is education. Through the Ministry of National Education, the government sought the implementation level of the education curriculum (SBC) to connect the implementation of local excellence as part of the curriculum in school. Local advantages can be put in the subjects of local content (Muatan lokal) or integrated with other subjects. It is expected that learners can identify and develop potential advantages in the area to be objects that benefit for society. Keywords: revitalization, local advantages, and KTSP

scholarly journals KOALISI PARTAI POLITIK DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL MULTIPARTAI DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Moch. Marsa Taufiqurrohman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The People ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Effective System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability

Artikel ini berupaya meninjau kembali praktik koalisi partai politik di tengah sistem presidensial pasca reformasi, dan menilai sejauh mana dampaknya terhadap kestabilan pemerintahan. Pasca reformasi 1998, sejumlah besar partai politik telah didirikan, menunjukkan bahwa munculnya fragmentasi politik adalah sesuatu yang tidak terhindarkan. Alih-alih melaksanakan pemerintahan secara sehat, partai politik membentuk koalisi untuk memperkuat kedudukan mereka di parlemen. Implikasi penerapan multi partai dalam sistem presidensial ini seringkali menimbulkan deadlock antara eksekutif dan legislatif. Sistem presidensial yang dikombinasikan dengan sistem multi partai dapat menjadi sistem yang stabil dan efektif dengan cara penyederhanaan partai politik, desain pelembagaan koalisi, dan pengaturan pelembagaan oposisi. Namun di sisi lain koalisi juga menjadi sangat berpengaruh pada stabilitas pemerintahan. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif, artikel ini bertujuan untuk meneliti politik hukum terkait praktik koalisi partai politik di Indonesia dan mengetahui upaya-upaya dalam praktik ketatanegaraan yang dapat merealisasikan stabilitas sistem pemerintahan presidensial pada koalisi di multi partai. Artikel ini menemukan kesimpulan bahwa model pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat justru menjadi penyebab disharmonisasi antara legislatif dan eksekutif yang mengarah kepada terjadinya kebuntuan antar kedua lembaga tersebut. Lebih-lebih apabila yang menguasai lembaga ekesekutif dan lembaga legislatif adalah dari latar belakang partai politik yang berbeda. Akibatnya, praktik koalisi seperti ini cenderung mengakibatkan lebih banyak masalah, sehingga penerapan sistem ini memiliki dampak signifikan terhadap demokrasi yang didefinisikan dan dinegosiasikan. This article attempts to review the practice of coalitions of political parties in the post-reform presidential system and assess the extent of their impact on the stability of the government. Post-1998 reform, a large number of political parties have been established, suggesting that the emergence of political fragmentation is inevitable. Instead of implementing a healthy government, political parties formed coalitions to strengthen their positions in parliament. The implication of implementing multi-party in the presidential system often creates deadlocks between the executive and the legislature. A presidential system combined with a multi-party system can become a stable and effective system by simplifying political parties, designing institutionalized coalitions, and organizing opposition institutions. But on the other hand, the coalition has also greatly influenced the stability of the government. By using normative juridical research methods, this article aims to examine legal politics related to the practice of political party coalitions in Indonesia and to find out the efforts in state administration practices that can realize the stability of the presidential system of government in multi-party coalitions. This article finds the conclusion that the legislative and executive election models directly elected by the people are the cause of disharmony between the legislature and the executive which leads to a deadlock between the two institutions. This is even more so if those who control the executive and legislative bodies are from different political party backgrounds. As a result, coalition practices like this are likely to cause more problems, so the adoption of these systems has a significant impact on defined and negotiated democracy.

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